2020年6月19日 星期五

A short reading list on racism

Books for a broader understanding.
Angela Davis speaking at a rally in the 1970s.Bettmann Archive/Getty Images

By Jamelle Bouie

The protests against police brutality have inspired many Americans, especially white ones, to learn more about racism and the black American experience. They’re reading books on “white privilege” and learning about concepts like “white fragility.” They’re asking “how to be an ally” and looking for ways to give or participate or just to help.

None of this is wrong, exactly, and some of it is good. But there is a danger. So much of this discourse is focused on individual belief and action that it can obscure the most important truth about racism, which is that it is structural and material. In other words, the problem of racism has much more to do with labor exploitation, wealth inequality and exposure to premature death than it does privilege or personal prejudice. Likewise, the reason to study the history of American racism is its key relationship to fundamental questions of political economy. Close readers of mine will notice that I refer frequently to W.E.B. Du Bois, and he’s useful here as well.

The true significance of slavery in the United States to the whole social development of America lay in the ultimate relation of slaves to democracy. What were to be the limits of democratic control in the United States? If all labor, black as well as white, became free — were given schools and the right to vote — what control could or should be set to the power and action of these laborers? Was the rule of the mass of Americans to be unlimited, and the right to rule extended to all men regardless of race and color, or if not, what power of dictatorship and control; and how would property and privilege be protected?

He’s writing about Emancipation and Reconstruction, but I think this applies just as much to racism and white supremacy. Substitute “racism” for “slavery” and “blacks” for “slaves” in the first sentence and I think you have a paragraph that almost 90 years after it was written, gets to the heart of the matter.

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All of this is to offer a reading list. A few books that I have found incredibly useful to understanding what racism is and how it operates.

First, “Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life” (2014) by Karen and Barbara Fields. The authors seek to dispel the notion that “race” exists in any concrete way, arguing instead that racism is what’s real and what gives life to the idea of “race.” Here’s an excerpt:

Racism is not an emotion or state of mind, such as intolerance, bigotry, hatred, or malevolence. If it were that, it would easily be overwhelmed; most people mean well, most of the time, and in any case are usually busy pursuing other purposes. Racism is first and foremost a social practice, which means that it is an action and a rationale for action, or both at once. Racism always takes for granted the objective reality of race, as just defined, so it is important to register their distinctness. The shorthand transforms racism, something an aggressor does, into race, something the target is, in a sleight of hand that is easy to miss.

Second, “The Racial Contract” (1997) by Charles W. Mills. Mills, a philosopher, uses Western social contract theory to try to understand racism as a social system and as a force that shapes the moral theory and moral psychology of mainstream, “white” society.

[T]he Racial Contract establishes a racial polity, a racial state, and a racial juridical system, where the status of whites and nonwhites is clearly demarcated, whether by law or custom. And the purpose of this state, by contrast with the neutral state of classic contractarianism, is, inter alia, specifically to maintain and reproduce this racial order, securing the privileges and advantages of the full white citizens and maintaining the subordination of nonwhites.

Third, “Women, Race & Class” (1981) by Angela Davis. In this volume of essays, Davis shows the ways in which racism has hampered the struggle for women’s liberation, and in the process provides a detailed examination of how racism, sexism and capitalism operate as an interlocking system that perpetuates disadvantage.

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As females, slave women were inherently vulnerable to all forms of sexual coercion. If the most violent punishments of men consisted in floggings and mutilations, women were flogged and mutilated, as well as raped. Rape, in fact, was an uncamouflaged expression of the slaveholder’s economic mastery and the overseer’s control over Black women as workers. The special abuses inflicted on women thus facilitated the ruthless economic exploitation of their labor.

And last, since I talk about him all the time, I want to recommend “Darkwater: Voices From Within the Veil” (1920) by Du Bois. Written nearly 20 years after “The Souls of Black Folk,” this is the first of his autobiographical works, in which he tells the story of his life with verse, poetry and prose, while offering trenchant analyses of domestic and world events, from the East St. Louis massacres of 1917 to colonialism and the First World War.

There’s the rub, — it pays. Rubber, ivory, and palm-oil; tea, coffee, and cocoa; bananas, oranges, and other fruit; cotton, gold, and copper — they, and a hundred other things which dark and sweating bodies hand up to the white world from pits of slime, pay and pay well, but of all that the world gets the black world gets only the pittance that the white world throws it disdainfully.
Small wonder, then, that in the practical world of things-that-be there is jealousy and strife for the possession of the labor of dark millions, for the right to bleed and exploit the colonies of the world where this golden stream may be had, not always for the asking, but surely for the whipping and shooting. It was this competition for the labor of yellow, brown, and black folks that was the cause of the World War. Other causes have been glibly given and other contributing causes there doubtless were, but they were subsidiary and subordinate to this vast quest of the dark world’s wealth and toil.

These books will not answer all of your questions or tell you everything you need to know, but I think they provide a useful introduction to how to think about racism as a structural force and how it relates to this society as a whole.

What I Wrote

Since Juneteenth is on the verge of becoming a bona fide national holiday, I thought I would write about its significance, and specifically, how we should think about Emancipation.

Emancipation wasn’t a gift bestowed on the slaves; it was something they took for themselves, the culmination of their long struggle for freedom, which began as soon as chattel slavery was established in the 17th century, and gained even greater steam with the Revolution and the birth of a country committed, at least rhetorically, to freedom and equality. In fighting that struggle, black Americans would open up new vistas of democratic possibility for the entire country.

Now Reading

Paul Elie on Flannery O’Connor in The New Yorker.

Brenda Gayle Plummer on civil rights internationalism in Foreign Affairs.

Kellie Carter Jackson on Juneteenth in The Atlantic.

AK Thompson and Clare O’Connor on the politics of mask-wearing in Boston Review.

Ezra Klein on nonviolence at Vox.

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Feedback

If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

A 2014 protest against police brutality in Ferguson, Mo.Jamelle Bouie

I took this photo almost six years ago during the protests in Ferguson, Mo. When I look back at the photos I took in the two weeks I was there, this is the only one that I think is worth coming back to.

Now Eating: Basil Ice Cream

We have a pretty substantial vegetable and herb garden, which includes more basil than we can actually use for pizzas, pastas or salads. So instead, I used a bunch for this ice cream, which tastes exactly as basil smells. I served it as is, but you could also top with a drizzle of fruity olive oil. Recipe from The New York Times Cooking section.

Ingredients

  • 1 cup mint or basil leaves, cleaned and dried
  • ⅔ cup sugar
  • 2 cups heavy cream
  • 1 cup whole milk
  • ⅛ teaspoon fine sea salt
  • 6 large egg yolks

Directions

In a food processor, pulse together mint or basil leaves and sugar until pulverized and bright green.

In a small pot, simmer heavy cream, milk, herb sugar and salt until sugar completely dissolved, about 5 minutes. Remove pot from heat. In a separate bowl, whisk yolks. Whisking constantly, slowly add about a third of the hot cream to the yolks, then whisk the yolk mixture back into the pot with the cream.

Return pot to medium-low heat and gently cook until mixture is thick enough to coat the back of a spoon (about 170 degrees on an instant-read thermometer). Remove from heat and allow custard to steep for 30 minutes.

Strain through a fine-mesh sieve into a bowl. Cool mixture to room temperature. Cover and chill at least 4 hours or overnight.

Churn in an ice cream machine according to manufacturer’s instructions. Serve directly from the machine for soft serve, or store in freezer until needed.

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2020年6月18日 星期四

On Tech: From civil rights to social media

How social media has changed civil rights protests, for good and bad.

From civil rights to social media

Ari Melenciano

(On Tech will be off on Friday. See you Monday.)

Omar Wasow is steeped in both social media and the civil rights movement of the 1960s. And he marvels at how the two have melded in the current demonstrations against racial injustice and police brutality.

Wasow, a professor at Princeton University and co-founder of the pioneering social network BlackPlanet.com, said social media was helping publicize police brutality and galvanizing public support for protesters’ goals — a role that his research found conventional media played a half century ago. And he said he believed that the internet was making it easier to organize social movements today, for good and for ill.

Here are excerpts from our conversation.

How has social media changed, or not, civil rights protests today compared with the 1960s?

The 1960s civil rights leaders figured out that images in national media that showed the brutality of Jim Crow forced an often indifferent white America to take seriously the concerns of black citizens.

There’s a through line today. The video of George Floyd taken by Darnella Frazier is an echo of the bearing witness of the beating of Rodney King, and before that the images of Bloody Sunday in Selma [in 1965]. Part of what social media does is allow us to see a reality that has been entirely visible to some people and invisible to others. As those injustices become visible, meaningful change follows.

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But racial inequality or police brutality didn’t end with Selma or Rodney King. Does the internet change that?

It’s obviously depressing how often excess force by police against African-Americans resulted in protest movements that didn’t ultimately fix the problem. But after Selma, public opinion on concerns for civil rights spiked dramatically. The Voting Rights Act was passed in five months.

The legal scholar Thomas Stoddard talked about cultural shifts leading to durable social change. I think you’re seeing that now with broad public support for the goals of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Are there ways in which meaningful protests are harder now?

Social media radically simplified organizing and coordinating large groups. The downside is there isn’t a deep well of trust among demonstrators, as there was among people who did the first sit-ins of lunch counters and all knew each other.

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But if one way this movement has an impact is by having weaker ties but with broad reach, that is OK in some cases. And social media is enabling new kinds of protests. My wife has been doing activism around a chronic health issue, and many of those people are bed bound. Organizing online has been a way to raise consciousness and call attention to the health system’s failures.

Are there lessons from the social networks you ran 20-plus years ago to make today’s online hangouts healthier for the world?

When we launched what used to be called a bulletin board service in the 1990s, our slogan was “the mix is the message.” We were trying to get the variety of New Yorkers to talk to each other. Today there are places online where people can find others like them, and that’s good. But I wonder if there’s also more that could be done on sites like Facebook and Twitter to bring people together rather than sorting them into camps.

A middle ground for Apple’s app wars

Any app maker that wants to sell a video game, a digital subscription or most other virtual goods in an iPhone app has a binary choice: Make people pay with Apple’s payment system and share revenue with Apple, or don’t allow any purchases at all in the app.

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A lot of app makers chafe at this choice. It’s why you can’t buy a subscription to Spotify or Netflix from those companies’ iPhone apps. Spotify and Netflix refuse to give Apple a cut of sales, and Apple’s rules mean there’s no alternative.

I understand both sides here. Apple wants to be paid for keeping its app store appealing and safe. App makers say they feel it’s unfair to hand over a chunk of their hard-won sales in perpetuity.

But the status quo does more harm than good. It’s annoying to iPhone users, makes developers angry and risks getting Apple in trouble with regulators.

How about a middle ground: Give people multiple ways to pay.

What if people had the choice to pay for things in iPhone apps with either their Apple account or another payment method of the app maker’s choosing?

It would be easier for you to buy a Netflix subscription in the iPhone app with your fingerprint or face scan connected to your Apple account. If you do that, then Apple would get to take a slice of Netflix’s sales.

But Netflix could also let you create a new account and hand over your credit card details to Netflix. In that case, Netflix would keep all the money. This is similar to the approach on Android, where app makers have the option to let people pay them directly and not share revenue with Google.

This split-the-baby approach might not end all the fights about what Apple allows in its apps. I bet it would resolve a lot of disputes, though, and it would make many apps a bit less confusing for all of us.

Before we go …

  • What a mess: My New York Times colleagues looked into England’s system of humans and technology for tracking down people who had been exposed to the coronavirus. The results so far have not been promising, with some virus hunters filling their days with internet exercise classes and a government virus-tracking app hampered by fears about technical glitches and data breaches.
  • Soon every tech company will have a coronavirus-fighting product to sell: Verily, a Google sister company, is introducing an employee virus testing and health analysis service for businesses, my colleague Natasha Singer writes. She points out that many tech companies are now pitching products that promise to help businesses function safely during the pandemic. Some of these offerings may be ineffective or creepy — or both.
  • Yes to the Marie Kondo test for technology: A researcher of “smart cities” advocates for banning technologies that contribute to the perpetual surveillance of citizens, including facial recognition, ubiquitous cameras and predictive software. “Think of it as Marie Kondo, but for technology. Does this thing contribute to human well-being and/or social welfare? If not, toss it away!” he writes in OneZero.

Hugs to this

This child is enjoying television’s hottest new drama: “Washer,” followed by an all new episode of “Dryer.”

We want to hear from you. Tell us what you think of this newsletter and what else you’d like us to explore. You can reach us at ontech@nytimes.com.

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