2020年7月21日 星期二

On Tech: Beware the ‘but China’ excuses

Just because U.S. politicians and tech giants are blaming China, doesn't mean we should be scared.

Beware the ‘but China’ excuses

Delcan & Company

Technology is part of the tug of war between the United States and China. But let me offer some advice: When you hear an American technology executive mention China, put on your hmmmm face. Ditto when you hear a U.S. government official talk about China in the context of technology.

U.S. tech companies love to suggest that anything that hurts them somehow opens the door to China’s technology dominance. And American politicians sometimes appear to fan fears of Chinese technology for selfish reasons.

There are legitimate concerns about China’s shaping global technology norms, seeking to swipe America’s tech secrets, sponsoring criminal hackers or using tech for political aims. But how can the American public fairly evaluate technology policy when powerful people and companies use “but China …” as a catchall boogeyman?

I get a pain behind my eyes when a U.S. tech boss brings up China. “Breakup strengthens Chinese companies,” read notes from Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg for a congressional hearing two years ago. We’ll likely hear lines like this when he and three other American tech C.E.O.s testify at a congressional hearing next week about their companies’ power.

The implication — often repeated by Zuckerberg and other tech executives — is that if U.S. lawmakers put speed bumps in front of America’s digital stars, then … something something … China will rule technology.

ADVERTISEMENT

If it feels like I skipped some steps, that’s what the tech companies are doing. If they brought up worries about China giving a leg up to homegrown tech companies through financial assistance or spreading government propaganda online, I might have some sympathy. But what they’re doing instead is fanning China fear in a disingenuous attempt to distract us.

Americans can want our companies to thrive AND want our corporations to have guardrails. Protecting Americans from potential technology abuses doesn’t destroy U.S. innovation or strengthen any Chinese company.

U.S. government officials have a “but China” problem, too. President Trump’s campaign ran ads on Facebook in recent days that accused TikTok, the video app from the Chinese internet company ByteDance, of spying on Americans by harvesting information from people’s smartphones. (The researchers who identified the data collection mentioned in the ads said that many other smartphone apps do the same thing.)

Look, I understand in principle why U.S. officials are concerned about TikTok’s corporate owner, and likewise about the role of China’s technology giant Huawei as an essential cog in the internet. It’s also fair for politicians and Attorney General William P. Barr to question whether American tech companies are hurting the country when they comply with Chinese laws and norms.

ADVERTISEMENT

But politicians, like American tech bosses, engage in fearmongering about Chinese tech so often that it’s hard to know when to believe them.

If politicians and policymakers wanted to do more to support U.S. technology, they could consider investing more money domestically in critical tech, including computer chips and artificial intelligence. They could help more foreign students stay in the United States to start the next great American companies. They could craft effective public health measures to tame a pandemic that threatens the competitiveness of U.S. companies.

Or they can say “but China” and let us fill in the blanks in this catchall fear tactic. When you hear U.S. tech executives or politicians blurt out China, remind yourself to consider what they really mean.

If you don’t already get this newsletter in your inbox, please sign up here.

ADVERTISEMENT

Three suggestions to bridge the internet divide

One of the inequalities that this pandemic has exposed is just how devastating it can be for Americans who can’t access or afford reliable internet service for remote work, school and other activities.

In a recent editorial, The New York Times wrote that it can’t be acceptable for millions of Americans to go without an essential service of modern life, or be forced to sit in parking lots to piggyback on reliable internet service.

I asked Greg Bensinger, a member of the Opinion section’s editorial board, to follow up with three policies that he believed would help improve the country’s internet service. Here’s what he said:

1) We need a better count of who lacks internet access: The first challenge is correctly tallying how many Americans don’t have access to fast internet service. The Federal Communications Commission’s estimate of 21 million relied on self-reporting from internet service providers, but they can count an entire census block as being covered if just one address has fast internet access.

Independent estimates place the number at 42 million or more without good service.

It’s important to get it right because these numbers dictate federal spending on extending broadband service. The F.C.C. should instead use accounting methods that are independently verifiable and dive into census blocks to see the breadth of coverage.

2) Revamp a subsidy for low-income Americans: In cities that generally have good internet networks, monthly subscription fees are a burden, as are costs for laptops and tablets to access the internet. The F.C.C. has programs for subsidizing telephone service for low-income Americans — particularly the one known as Lifeline — that could be revamped to include subsidies for monthly internet costs.

3) Get the government involved upfront in paying for internet infrastructure: The federal government should directly fund an internet build out. As it stands today, internet service providers generally seek subsidies from the government after they have built internet networks. That doesn’t give companies an incentive to reach areas where profits may be harder to come by because the funds aren’t guaranteed upfront.

Before we go …

  • Privacy loopholes in virus-fighting software: Google and Apple have collaborated on smartphone technology that they pitched as a privacy-preserving way for health authorities to identify people who might have been exposed to the coronavirus. And yet, as my colleague Natasha Singer wrote, on Google’s Android phones, the technology requires people to turn on their location settings, which could let Google follow those people as they roam around. And in South Korea, among the world’s leaders in digital public health, a mobile app that helps enforce coronavirus quarantines was found to have serious security flaws that made people’s private information vulnerable to hackers. The security holes were fixed, my colleagues reported.
  • Virtual musical concerts might be pretty good now? In the beginning of the pandemic, concerts streamed live on Instagram were pretty awkward. Musicians and fans have started to figure out how and where to hold relatively effective live performances online. My colleagues have a run down on lingering questions — like will people pay big bucks for this? — and suggestions for the 10 best quarantine-era virtual concerts.
  • Internet stars face blowback from their product backlash: Some online influencers and celebrities in Sri Lanka told BuzzFeed News that they faced professional backlash for publicly opposing skin lightening creams that they believed perpetuated the racist idea that light skin was more desirable.

Hugs to this

We want to hear from you. Tell us what you think of this newsletter and what else you’d like us to explore. You can reach us at ontech@nytimes.com.

If you don’t already get this newsletter in your inbox, please sign up here.

Need help? Review our newsletter help page or contact us for assistance.

You received this email because you signed up for On Tech with Shira Ovide from The New York Times.

To stop receiving these emails, unsubscribe or manage your email preferences.

Subscribe to The Times

Connect with us on:

facebooktwitterinstagram

Change Your EmailPrivacy PolicyContact UsCalifornia Notices

The New York Times Company. 620 Eighth Avenue New York, NY 10018

The paranoid style in pandemic politics

When failure is so total you just can’t process it.
President Trump in the Oval Office on Monday.Doug Mills/The New York Times
Author Headshot

By Paul Krugman

Opinion Columnist

When Chris Wallace asked Donald Trump, “How will you regard your years as President of the United States?” Trump didn’t cite a single achievement. Instead, he went immediately into grievance mode, declaring that “I’ve been very unfairly treated, and I don’t say that as paranoid.”

Actually, Mr. President, that is paranoid. But while Trump couldn’t cite any achievements, one thing he has achieved is defining paranoia down.

In another administration it would be a days-long scandal that the president is trying to appoint an insane conspiracy theorist, who claims that the former head of the C.I.A. plotted the president’s assassination, to the #3 position in the Pentagon. These days it barely registered on the news cycle.

But if the Trump administration and its allies, both in Congress and the media, were paranoid before Covid-19, things have gotten much worse over the past few months.

Peter Navarro, the administration’s trade czar, got a lot of grief for his op-ed attacking Anthony Fauci; if you think he did that without a go-ahead from his boss, I have a degree from Trump University you might want to buy. But his claim a few days earlier that Covid-19 was a “weaponized virus” sent by China to hurt the U.S. economy was much crazier, and would have been a major international incident if the Chinese, like everyone else, hadn’t become blasé about insane Trumpist rants.

ADVERTISEMENT

And what can you even say about people like Rush Limbaugh — who Trump gave the Presidential Medal of Freedom? A few months ago he was calling Covid-19 a hoax, no worse than the common cold, which was being “weaponized” (they do love that word) against his president. Now he says we should emulate the Donner Party, which turned to cannibalism when the going got tough.

There are a couple of reasons the pandemic has amplified the right’s paranoia. One is that it has transformed the electoral landscape. Even in February Trump was generally a bit behind in national polls. But the Electoral College worked in his favor, and as late as April people on Wall Street were sure he would win. Now he’s at a huge disadvantage, for all the right reasons.

Beyond that, however, Trump’s failure on Covid-19 has been so comprehensive, so total, that his supporters can’t process it.

Presidents are often given credit or blame for things they can’t control; except in a time of crisis that includes the economy, which is driven more by impersonal forces and Federal Reserve policy than by the guy who happens to sit in the White House.

ADVERTISEMENT

But responding to national emergencies is very much the president’s responsibility. Nor can Trump and his supporters credibly claim that he did as well as anyone could have expected: U.S. performance has fallen so far short of what other wealthy countries have managed — we’re dying 10 times faster than Europeans, and we’re going back into lockdown as other countries return to more or less normal life — that it’s hard to make excuses.

Think about what this means if you’re a Trump supporter. To admit seeing what’s right in front of your eyes means admitting that you’ve been a fool: Everything Trump’s critics said, everything they warned about, has turned out to be true, and you were blind to the obvious.

There may be a few people able to face this reality, learn from it, and move on. But most people can’t handle it. Someday they may manage to convince themselves that they never supported Trump in the first place. For now, however, their only recourse is to insist that it’s all lies, that there’s a vast deep state conspiracy to get their hero.

Paranoia strikes deep, especially when it’s all you’ve got.

ADVERTISEMENT

Quick Hits

Cognitive dissonance, beyond Trump.

The stock market is the only thing to boast about — and voters don’t care.

Feedback

If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at krugman-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Facing the Music

Paranoia strikes deep, indeedYouTube

Obviously. But so many versions; here’s one I really like.

IN THE TIMES

Need help? Review our newsletter help page or contact us for assistance.

You received this email because you signed up for Paul Krugman from The New York Times.

To stop receiving these emails, unsubscribe or manage your email preferences.

Subscribe to The Times

Connect with us on:

facebooktwitterinstagram

Change Your EmailPrivacy PolicyContact UsCalifornia Notices

The New York Times Company. 620 Eighth Avenue New York, NY 10018

Ends soon: Understand the world. $0.25 a week.

Let our journalists help you gain a better grasp of events.
 
The New York Times View in Browser
 
 
INTERNATIONAL READERS SUBSCRIBE FOR $0.25 A WEEK.
 
As countries reopen, it's a crucial time to be informed.
Unlimited access for $0.25 a week.
 
 
No commitment required. Cancel anytime.
 
Offer expires August 1, 2020, 10 a.m. E.T. Your payment method will automatically be charged in advance every 4 weeks at the introductory rate for one year and at the standard rate thereafter. All subscriptions renew automatically. You can cancel anytime. These offers are not available for current subscribers. Mobile apps are not supported on all devices. Other restrictions and taxes may apply. Offers and pricing are subject to change without notice.
 
This email was sent to puseguliao.mail02@blogger.com
 
Account Login | Help Center
Attn.: Customer Service, P.O. Box 8041, Davenport, IA 52808-8041
 
Terms of Service | Privacy Policy | California Notices | Unsubscribe
 
©2020 The New York Times Company | 620 Eighth Ave., New York, NY 10018