2020年8月14日 星期五

On Tech: A steal might actually be a raw deal

Netflix, Apple and the rest must figure out what bundles we love, and which we’ll grow to hate.

A steal might actually be a raw deal

Zipeng Zhu

It feels awesome to get a good deal. Unless you realize that it’s a bad deal.

Many of us are happy to pay one price to scarf at Netflix’s unlimited buffet of entertainment. (Many, thankfully, feel the same way about news organizations — including, ahem, The New York Times.)

Membership programs like Amazon Prime let us feel like winners by paying up front to get a string of deliveries and other goodies for no extra charge.

A good product offers us some stuff we like in an easy-to-buy package. A selfish product offers us some stuff a company wants to sell us in an easy-to-buy package. This is an important distinction.

Cable television is a product that might have started as the first, but has morphed into the second. Paying cable TV companies for 500 channels — even if you watched only nine of them — felt marvelous, until millions of American households wondered why they were paying so much for 500 channels when they watched nine. Our sentiment about good value for money can flip in a flash.

I wonder now about our tolerance for the many 21st-century versions of the old cable TV bundle or other product combinations.

Netflix is essentially cable TV, but a collection of individual TV series and movies instead of channels. (It’s far cheaper, which is an important factor.) Apple seems to be trying almost every bundle it can imagine — tossing in its Apple TV Plus streaming video service with new iPhones, or potentially offering two or more Apple digital services at a discounted price. Walmart wants to do Amazon Prime, but from Walmart.

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Bundled things like this can be a great deal, or at least we can feel like we’re getting a great deal. But other times, people grow resentful that they’re paying for something they don’t want or need. The key is finding the right products at the right price and for the right reasons.

What happens if that iPhone owner who got a year of Apple TV Plus forgets to turn it off after her free membership ends? Her credit card will keep getting charged into perpetuity. If you pay for that Costco membership and never shop there, you might be angry with yourself and build resentment against Costco, too.

One thing to ask is why companies are selling some bundles but not others.

Apple pundits have been talking for years about the possibility of paying a single monthly price for an iPhone, maybe an add-on product like AirPods headphones, an AppleCare warranty and some digital subscriptions.

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This has not happened (yet) even as Apple starts to try every other conceivable bundle. That might be because it costs Apple almost nothing to toss in some video subscriptions, but the company could take a real hit by discounting its physical products.

The challenge for Netflix, Amazon, Apple and the rest is figuring out what collections of products we love — and at what price — and which we’ll grow to hate. There is a fine line between feeling like we’re getting a steal, and feeling like we’re getting ripped off. The cable TV bosses didn’t think that we would resent their bundles, until we did.

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Our division enables misinformation to take hold

You should read my colleagues’ great article that traced how an observable fact from protests in Portland, Ore. — a few people burned one or possibly two Bibles — became a false narrative that mass numbers of people burned a stack of Bibles and American flags.

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My colleagues wrote that the original incident was exaggerated by a Russia-backed news organization, spread on Twitter by someone who didn’t confirm it, and picked up online by news outlets, politicians and commentators who already believed that the protests (and liberals) were out of control.

My question from this — and from my colleague Kevin Roose’s reporting on the QAnon conspiracy — is whether Americans are so divided that we don’t trust anything — and conversely aren’t willing to disbelieve anything. Matthew Rosenberg, one of the reporters on the Portland story, gave me a (discouraging) answer:

Absolutely, and I think we’ve been seeing this phenomenon unfold over years. It’s why nonsense like birtherism or QAnon can take hold. I’m not suggesting people shouldn’t treat what they hear from news organizations or authorities with skepticism. But maybe don’t be so quick to believe that a pricing glitch on Wayfair is evidence of children being trafficked.
We spend a lot of time worrying about interference from Russia, China or Iran. But disinformation needs to have a receptive audience to work. If Americans weren’t so divided — if most political arguments were over a shared set of facts, not wildly conflicting worldviews — it would be hard for a foreign power to meddle.
The Portland Bible burnings illustrate the problem. Sure, Russian state-backed media flagged what was going on and blew it out of proportion. But it was Americans who made it an issue, and used it to score political points. Ultimately, it is us doing this to ourselves.

Before we go …

  • Your tween might be angry about this: A dispute over money and control of app distribution has led to Apple and Google kicking the video game Fortnite out of their app stores. (Already downloaded games should work fine, but they might not soon.) The latest example of app developers’ anger at these tech giants might eventually be resolved in court, but it’s currently mostly a public relations war. Fortnite is winning that war.
  • TikTok had steered clear of trouble for five minutes: Many digital services willfully ignore that many of their users are younger than 13, violating a U.S. child privacy law unless the young users have parental permission to use the sites. My colleagues Raymond Zhong and Sheera Frenkel reported that TikTok may have known and not acted on information that a large share of its U.S. users were likely too young to sign up. That could get TikTok into more hot water, particularly because its predecessor company was previously fined for breaking the child privacy rules.
  • No, no, no, no, Zoom, no, no: “Pretty much every face-lift patient that comes in says: ‘I’ve been doing these Zoom calls and I don’t know what happened but I look terrible.’” Apparently lots of people think the pandemic is a perfect time to surgically tinker with their faces or tummies, my colleague Matt Richtel wrote.

Hugs to this

Have you seen those teenage twins hearing a decades-old Phil Collins song for the first time? YOU MUST. And then read my colleague Sandra E. Garcia’s perfect article about the twins and why it’s harder to discover a golden oldie.

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2020年8月13日 星期四

On Tech: A playbook for combating QAnon

QAnon can no longer be ignored. What internet companies should do to stop its spread.

A playbook for combating QAnon

David Szakaly

Just describing QAnon — a sprawling, false theory that there is a “deep state” of child-molesting Satanists in charge of powerful institutions — makes me confused.

But we can’t ignore QAnon, even if we find the conspiracy bizarre. QAnon supporters are co-opting advocacy efforts in areas such as anti-child sex trafficking, believers are poised to get elected to office and followers are committing violence. Elements of QAnon are popping up everywhere.

“I don’t think anyone realized how big it would become,” said Zarine Kharazian, assistant editor at the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies online misinformation.

Conspiracies are as old as time, but QAnon has a modern twist: It thrives off internet sites like Facebook and Twitter.

I asked Kharazian what the internet companies should do to more effectively combat this conspiracy.

Stop recommending this content. A lot of people find QAnon-related ideas online because Facebook recommends that they join online groups supporting the conspiracy. This needs to stop, Kharazian said, but it’s also tricky.

Believers’ ideas have seeped into online groups devoted to parenting or healthy living. That makes it imperative for internet companies to understand the context of online activity. Has that online support group for dads, for example, become a hub for QAnon ideas? (Yes, it is also creepy for Facebook to lurk in a dads’ group.)

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Take down conspiracy influencers. Believers in QAnon pitch people with many followers online to get them to post conspiracy-related material.

Limiting or blocking these influential accounts, which Kharazian said was starting to happen, “knocks back the conspiracy a couple of steps.”

There are pitfalls here, too, she said. If internet companies go too far by doing blanket deletions of many accounts or by banning mentions of QAnon altogether, they play into the conspiracy narrative of information warfare — and risk silencing some nondangerous discussions.

Block links. The companies need to aggressively block links in social media posts to QAnon-related websites and apps. (Twitter has started to do this.) Spreading those links is a way to keep conspiracy material going after it’s been deleted on sites like YouTube.

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Collaborate: Internet companies are working together more in policy areas such as boosting election security and stopping the spread of terrorist propaganda. Kharazian said they need coordinated action on conspiracy content, too.

Rethink trending content. Some QAnon believers coordinate their postings to hit among the trending topics or hashtags on places like Twitter and Instagram, exposing more people to the conspiracy’s ideas. To fight this, Kharazian said internet companies should do away with these trending lists, significantly diminish their importance or promote high-quality information to drown out the bad.

When QAnon followers hijacked a hashtag campaign from an anti-child sex trafficking charity, for example, internet companies could have elevated legitimate organizations’ explanations of why QAnon’s understanding of the issue was distorted.

“But they have to do so consistently, and that can pose a challenge with an internet-native conspiracy theory that evolves so quickly,” Kharazian said.

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Hooray for that stupidly expensive phone

The best smartphone for most people is the one they already own. I’m thrilled that companies are pitching perfectly fine, relatively affordable new devices for all of us who will never use most of the fancy features of a $1,500 pocket computer.

But I’m also glad that companies keep trying to sell those overly complicated, stupidly expensive smartphones.

I won’t buy Microsoft’s new Surface Duo, a $1,400 smartphone combined with a tablet. I’m also not sold on Samsung’s continuing efforts to make a smartphone that opens like a book to offer more screen real estate. Most of us can feel free to ignore the mania later this year around Apple’s next lineup of iPhones.

We don’t need this stuff, but I’m glad that these devices exist. We should all want companies to come up with fresh ideas that may eventually find their way to the computers and smartphones the rest of us buy.

Without companies that developed front-facing smartphone cameras for luxury smartphones, we never would have had the now ubiquitous selfie camera. The companies that put sophisticated gyroscopes in the early high-end phones helped bring us detection systems for people who take dangerous falls. A lot of important stuff starts at the high end and trickles down.

At the same time, the great ideas don’t always come from the fancy stuff. One of the best new ideas for computing devices of the last few years was the Chromebook. It’s a stripped down laptop that’s basically a web browser and little else. Lots of schools use them because they’re easy to customize, relatively affordable and simple.

Smartphones and computers aren’t new and novel anymore, but they can still get a jolt from fresh ideas. And innovative thinking can start with grand technological ambitions and price tags to match, or with the radical idea that simple and cheap can be revolutionary.

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Before we go …

  • Big Tech does collaborate on important issues. Facebook, Google, Pinterest, Wikipedia and other digital companies said that they’re meeting regularly with U.S. government agencies to fight election-related online misinformation, my colleagues Mike Isaac and Kate Conger wrote. This kind of coordination between tech companies and U.S. government officials has stepped up since Facebook and other internet companies were hit with foreign propaganda to inflame social division around the 2016 U.S. presidential election.
  • I am here for this fight: The company that owns the Fortnite video game is openly breaking Apple’s rules that require people to purchase iPhone app digital goods only with an Apple account. Some app developers have said that they want to sign up customers directly without going through Apple, and their complaints have become a legal headache for Apple. Recode reported that Fortnite’s owner, Epic Games, is essentially daring Apple to boot them out of the App Store, and I cannot wait to see what Apple does.
  • PowerPoint activism: Sometimes one image on Instagram can’t convey a complicated message. So, as Vox reported, advocacy groups and activists are using Instagram’s 10-image scrolling carousel feature to educate people about topics like the political crisis in Lebanon and mail-in voting.

Hugs to this

An adorable cat sits in a plastic storage container so she can be with her human in the bathtub. (Thanks to the Garbage Day newsletter for finding this one.)

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