2020年8月14日 星期五

The Daily: Why ‘Cancel Culture’ Is a Distraction

A reporter’s last thoughts before putting the phrase to rest.
Illustration by Tracy Ma/The New York Times

I made a promise to myself. Having had the privilege of appearing on “The Daily,” and having used that privilege to discuss “cancel culture” over the course of not one, but two episodes, I would not write about the phrase ever again.

Then I got an email from a colleague who kindly asked me if I would write this newsletter.

If you listened to the episodes, you know that I started thinking about the phrase “cancel culture” in 2018. That year, the word “canceled,” which had originally circulated as a joke on Black Twitter, began to be used more widely to describe a dynamic frequently playing out on social media. A person would say or do something that was offensive to others, and those people would call out the offender.

Lisa Nakamura, a professor I talked to then, called it a “cultural boycott” — an agreement not to amplify, signal-boost or give money to the person who’s been canceled. In some cases, as the phenomenon developed, “cancellation” could turn punitive, even causing some offenders to be fired from their jobs.

People tend to see cancellation as either wholly good — there are new consequences for saying or doing racist, bigoted or otherwise untenable things — or wholly bad, in that people can lose their reputations and in some cases their jobs, all because a mob has taken undue offense to a clumsy or out-of-context remark. Personally, I think it’s best viewed not as either positive or negative, but as something else: a new development in the way that power works — a development brought about by social media.

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I’ve long been fascinated by the way that social media shapes our experiences, to a degree we’re still struggling to understand. When people are canceled, we are getting a glimpse into how social media has scrambled the way that power is distributed. Everyone, potentially, has an audience of seemingly infinite social media users who could tune in to what they are saying. And if those followers are upset, they have more power to take quick and meaningful action than ever before.

These platforms also let people form groups fluidly and with ease. In groups, individuals’ voices become louder than they were. What those groups do with their new power is up to them — and they have done some extraordinary things.

The Black Lives Matter movement, for instance, bypassed traditional media gatekeepers and ensured participants’ voices were heard online, starting after Michael Brown was killed by a white police officer in 2014. The #BlackLivesMatter hashtag was used on Twitter and Instagram consistently over the next six years, never fully leaving the conversation. Embedded in that hashtag was an idea — one that was logically sound, emotionally evocative and, thus, politically powerful.

By the time George Floyd was killed in police custody this spring, in a video that quickly went viral, the movement had become the context for understanding the significance of Mr. Floyd’s death. As a result, Mr. Floyd’s killing was widely understood not as a tragic and isolated encounter, but as part of a systemic pattern of racist policing with deadly consequences — one that needed to change. Millions of demonstrators marched in the streets, in what may have been the largest protest movement in American history.

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People do not tend to link cancel culture and contemporary protest movements in their minds, but social media fuels them both. Social media allows people to band together to hold institutions and people accountable, and to challenge dominant narratives. Can groupthink on social media have bleak consequences as well as inspiring ones? Yes. As we tried to demonstrate in the two episodes, social media, and Twitter in particular, is not an ideal venue for hosting complex conversations about nuanced issues.

The phrase “cancel culture,” too, makes those complex conversations more difficult, grouping varied situations together under one term. I’m still interested in the variety of ways that social media is changing social behavior. But the phrase cancel culture is too vague — a distraction from a deeper examination of power in society. For this reason, I — like my friend Zeeshan Aleem, whom we heard from in the second episode — don’t plan to use it anymore. And I really mean it this time.

Talk to Jonah on Twitter: @Jonesieman.

Crisis, confusion and community

Aug. 7, 2020. A man slept outside destroyed apartments in the Quarantine neighborhood of Beirut.Diego Ibarra Sanchez for The New York Times
“When the world stopped cracking open, I couldn’t see at first because of the blood running down my face. After blinking the blood from my eyes, I tried to take in the sight of my apartment turned into a demolition site. My yellow front door had been hurled on top of my dining table. I couldn’t find my passport, or even any sturdy shoes.” — Vivian Yee

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Last week, Vivian Yee, our Beirut correspondent, survived the devastating explosion that tore through the city, killing at least 200 and leaving 300,000 homeless. Somehow, after spending hours wandering the streets in search of a ride to the hospital, she found time to write an intimate account of her day amid the wreckage — and of the kindness of strangers.

When trying to figure out how to cover the blast, The Daily team was stumped. There were still so many unanswered questions: “We weren’t sure what we knew of the explosion. Or whether there could be a story told about who was responsible for it. But we did know that one of our reporters there, Vivian Yee, was hurt,” Jessica Cheung, a producer, said.

So Jessica offered to call Vivian. Within moments of hearing her on the phone, we knew we had our episode. “She painted such a vivid portrait,” Jessica said. “It was unlike any other episode we’ve done with reporters, in that, the whole time, you followed her very closely, as if holding her hand through a fire. You were holding the hand of someone who had survived a blast but had not fully understood what had happened yet.”

In the days since the explosion, more news has emerged surrounding the blast — who knew the ammonium nitrate was in the warehouse, what warning signs were ignored, and why protesters were now demanding to oust Lebanon’s ruling elite. But as the story continues to unfold, Vivian’s account preserves what so many felt that day in Beirut: crisis, confusion, and, for some, community. You can listen to the episode here.

On The Daily this week

Monday: What does it mean to be “canceled”? In a two-part series, Jonah Bromwich talks Kanye West, J.K. Rowling and the growing phenomenon of public call-outs.

Tuesday: In Part 2, Jonah speaks with a progressive politics writer about his experience with public call-outs, and why he got an email with the subject line: “Cancel Culture Canceler.”

Wednesday: How did Joe Biden settle on Kamala Harris as his vice-presidential running mate? We ask Alexander Burns about the historic decision.

Thursday: “We are looking at the real likelihood that millions or tens of millions of children do not attend school for an entire year.” Dana Goldstein on the politics of reopening America’s schools.

Friday: Julia Bond, an assistant apparel designer at Adidas, has spent every day of the last three months protesting in front of her employer’s Portland headquarters. We spoke to her about why.

That’s it for The Daily newsletter. See you next week.

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We’re going to have to protest

The fight for democracy will happen at the ballot box and in the streets.
A Postal Service employee wants down Nassau Street in New York’s financial district.George Etheredge for The New York Times

By Jamelle Bouie

I wrote my Tuesday column on the president’s obvious attempt to sabotage mail delivery and create the conditions for him to contest the election. Since then, Trump has said outright that this is his plan. “They want $25 billion for the post office. Now, they need that money in order to have the post office work so it can take all of these millions and millions of ballots,” he said Thursday morning in an interview on Fox Business, referring to Democratic demands for further coronavirus aid. “If they don’t get those two items, that means you can’t have universal mail-in voting because they’re not equipped to have it.”

We’ve also learned more about the Postal Service slowdown. According to Vice News, the service is deactivating mail-sorting machines ahead of the election. And according to The Washington Post, the Trump campaign and the Republican National Committee are engaged in a nationwide legal effort to challenge mail-in ballots, especially those arriving after Election Day.

I wrote in my column that one way to challenge all of this is to vote in person if possible, and if not, to hand-deliver your mail-in ballot if that is an option. But there’s one other thing Trump opponents must do to make sure he cannot corrupt the election: protest.

Trump is almost certainly going to pressure Republican election officials to disregard mail-in ballots and pressure Republican-held state legislatures to certify results based on the Election Day total. Mass protest, on the order of what we saw in the spring, is the only way to show that there are real political costs — in civil unrest and potential disorder — to this attempt to dump and disregard votes. The anti-Trump majority must be prepared for sustained protest, from November to January, since if the president refuses to accept the results of the election, it may be the only thing that forces him out.

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What I Wrote

My Tuesday column, as I said above, is on the president’s attempt to sabotage the election and what we can do about it.

The only way to prevent this scenario, or at least, rob it of the oxygen it needs to burn, is to deliver an election night lead to Biden. This means voting in person. No, not everyone will be able to do that. But if you plan to vote against Trump and can take appropriate precautions, then some kind of hand delivery — going to the polls or bringing your mail-in ballot to a “drop box” — will be the best way to protect your vote from the president’s concerted attempt to undermine the election for his benefit.

And my Friday column is on Kamala Harris and the question of Black identity.

Slavery bound African captives together into a group; the desire to assert their personhood — to build community, to find respite, to resist — was cause to adopt a common identity. In turn, that common identity gave those individuals and their descendants a foundation from which to challenge the structures that bound them together in the first place. Race hierarchy and racism set in motion a process of group formation and social action, the aim of which was to transcend and overcome racial domination, and racial categorization itself.

Now Reading

Robert Greene II on Julian Bond in The Nation.

Perry Bacon Jr. on Kamala Harris in FiveThirtyEight.

Madeleine Holden on internet radicalization in Mel Magazine.

Martha S. Jones on Black women in American politics in The Washington Post.

Jamilah King on how the pandemic changed the drug trade in Atlanta, in Mother Jones.

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Feedback

If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

Protesters in downtown Charlottesville, Va.Jamelle Bouie

We have had lots of protests in Charlottesville, and I’ve covered each of them as a photographer, lugging a 1940s-vintage Crown Graphic press camera and as much film as I can carry. I took this at one of the first big Black Lives Matter protests of the spring, when most of downtown was filled with (mask-wearing) protesters.

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Now Eating: Spicy Turkey Stir-Fry With Crisp Garlic and Ginger

After years without owning one, I bought a large, carbon-steel wok that I’ve been seasoning and re-seasoning for the past few days. I finally used it this week to make this stir-fry, which was terrific served with jasmine rice and stir-fried vegetables. I have no additions or modifications; it’s great as is. Recipe comes from The New York Times Cooking section.

Ingredients

  • 2 tablespoons neutral oil, such as safflower or grapeseed
  • 4 garlic cloves, thinly sliced
  • 1 (2-inch) knob ginger, cut into matchsticks
  • Fine sea salt
  • 2 tablespoons coconut oil or more neutral oil
  • 3 scallions, white and green parts separated, thinly sliced
  • ¼ teaspoon red-pepper flakes, plus more to taste
  • 1 pound ground turkey, preferably dark meat (or use ground pork)
  • 2 tablespoons lime juice, plus more to taste
  • 1 tablespoon fish sauce
  • ½ teaspoon soy sauce, plus more to taste
  • ½ teaspoon sugar or honey (optional)
  • Cooked sticky or white rice, for serving
  • ⅔ cup cilantro leaves and tender stems, for serving
  • ⅓ cup torn basil leaves (or use more cilantro), for serving
  • 1 fresh bird’s-eye or serrano chile, thinly sliced, for serving

Directions

In a cold 12-inch skillet, combine oil, garlic and ginger. Place over medium heat until sizzling, then continue to cook, stirring frequently, until garlic and ginger are golden brown, 5 to 7 minutes. Transfer with a slotted spoon to a paper towel-lined plate and sprinkle lightly with salt.

Add coconut oil to pan, then stir in scallion whites and cook until starting to brown, about 2 minutes. Stir in red-pepper flakes and cook for 1 minute.

Stir in turkey, raise heat to medium-high and cook, breaking up meat with a spoon, until golden and crisp, about 7 minutes. Don’t stir the meat too much, so that it can turn deep brown.

Remove pan from heat and stir in lime juice, fish sauce and soy sauce. Taste and add more lime juice, red-pepper flakes, soy sauce and sugar or honey if you like.

Gently mix about two-thirds of the fried garlic and ginger into the turkey. Serve turkey over rice, topped with cilantro, basil, scallion greens and fresh chile, and garnished with remaining fried ginger and garlic.

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