2020年9月18日 星期五

The case for political parties

Or why the Founders were wrong.
Author Headshot

By Jamelle Bouie

Opinion Columnist

I gave a virtual talk this week, “Modernizing American Democracy,” and I thought I would share the intro of it, which focused on the ways we could strengthen political parties and move away from a two-party system. Here is a somewhat abridged version of my introduction:

If I were to ask you to name the big problems with American democracy as constructed by the Constitution, there are a few obvious answers. There’s the fact that the Constitution preserved a slave system that — because of key provisions in the document — grew into a slave society that brought the country to civil war within a few generations of the founding. There’s the fact that the Constitution excludes huge parts of the population — especially women and racial minorities — from the polity. And there’s the fact that certain political compromises, like equal state representation in the Senate, have become major obstacles for anyone interested in functional, responsive government.

But there’s one major flaw in the Constitution that isn’t often seen as a major flaw: It doesn’t make room for or accommodate political parties.

The founders famously hated political parties.

James Madison warned against the ways in which “different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power … have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity.” By his lights, political crisis occurred when the government is “violently heated and distracted by the rage of party.”

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In particular, Madison feared parties organized along geography and region. “Should a state of parties arise founded on geographical boundaries and other physical and permanent distinctions which happen to coincide with them, what is to control these great repulsive Masses from awful shocks against each other?”

John Adams, likewise, worried that “a division of the republic into two great parties” is to be “dreaded as the great political evil.” Alexander Hamilton blamed the English Civil War of the previous century on a people who had been “overwhelmed by the tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage.”

And George Washington’s farewell address, of course, warned of “the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, in which different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities.” Washington also worried that partisanship would escalate into “despotism” and that partisan passions would “gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual.”

Sounds, um, prescient.

Following these warnings, Americans have historically been very receptive to anti-partyism. From Washington onward, our political leaders have bemoaned parties and partisanship. The major reforms of the Progressive Era — the recall election, the referendum, women’s suffrage and direct election of senators — were tied to an anti-party message, a promise that cleaner elections and more accountability meant a less partisan democracy.

But here’s the thing. The founders (and their anti-party successors) were wrong.

There’s a reason political parties exist in every single modern democracy. It’s the same reason American democracy, despite the anti-party rhetoric of its founders, developed political parties just a few years after the Constitution was ratified.

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That reason is straightforward: It is impossible to do representative democracy without political parties. Parties organize ordinary citizens into political actors. Parties help them feel represented and give them a stake in the system; they politicize otherwise apolitical people; they transmit information and explain the stakes of law, legislation and elections. Most important, they channel political ambition into constructive service, from volunteering to office-holding to other activities.

We need political parties, and if there is a major problem with American democracy, it’s that we have far too few.

What I Wrote

My Tuesday column was on the president’s paranoiac campaign and how he is directly and openly threatening to subvert democracy:

The larger, more important factor is that Trump isn’t actually running for re-election — or at least, not running in the traditional manner. He has a campaign, yes, but it is not a campaign to win votes or persuade the public outside of a few, select slivers of the electorate. Instead, it’s a campaign to hold on to power by any means necessary, using every tool available to him as president of the United States. Caputo, in that sense, is only taking cues from his boss.

My Friday column was on the latest Facebook revelations and why they are yet another reminder that the platform is a danger to democracy:

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Facebook has been incredibly lucrative for its founder, Mark Zuckerberg, who ranks among the wealthiest men in the world. But it’s been a disaster for the world itself, a powerful vector for paranoia, propaganda and conspiracy-theorizing as well as authoritarian crackdowns and vicious attacks on the free press. Wherever it goes, chaos and destabilization follow.

I had a long conversation on the “Know Your Enemy” podcast on the uses and abuses of history in political writing, and I did a live chat on Twitter, which you can watch here.

Now Reading

Danielle Allen on the Constitution in The Atlantic.

Krithika Varagur on Oregon’s experiment with policing in The New York Review of Books.

Marcia Chatelain on diversity and the Democratic Party in Dissent.

Apoorva Tadepalli on liberal NIMBYISM in The New Republic.

Samuel Goldman on the rise and fall of Brooks Brothers in First Things magazine.

Feedback

If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

Jamelle Bouie

Another night photo, this one of a tire and car-repair shop on a main thoroughfare in Charlottesville, Va.

Now Eating: Tahini Chocolate Chip Cookies

At some point I may have shared a recipe for tahini chocolate chip cookies that used butter as well as tahini. Well, this recipe is all tahini, and it makes for a chewy cookie with a subtle, nutty flavor. A pro tip about chocolate chip cookies: You’ll get your best results with a blend of flours. I typically use half all-purpose and half cake flour, but I’ve also used half all-purpose and half bread flour. You should experiment and see what works best for your kitchen.

This recipe comes from Food52. And I think it is possible to make it vegan with a simple egg substitute.

Ingredients

  • ½ cup tahini (I use Soom)
  • ½ cup granulated sugar
  • ⅓ cup light brown sugar
  • 1 large egg
  • 1½ tablespoons cold water
  • 1 teaspoon vanilla extract
  • ¾ teaspoon kosher salt
  • ⅓ teaspoon baking soda
  • 1 cup all-purpose flour (or ½ cup all-purpose and ½ plus 1 tablespoon cake flour)
  • 1 cup bittersweet chocolate wafers

Directions

Heat the oven to 375° F. Line baking sheet with parchment paper or a silicone mat.

Combine the tahini, sugar and brown sugar in the bowl of a standing mixer fitted with the paddle attachment. Mix on medium for a couple of minutes, scraping down with a rubber spatula once or twice. It will be crumbly, not creamy.

Add the eggs, water and vanilla extract. Continue to mix on medium for another couple of minutes, again scraping every so often. The mixture will look glossy and fudgy.

Add the salt and baking soda. Mix on low just to combine. Add the flour and mix until almost combined. Then add the chocolate chips and mix again.

Scoop rounded tablespoons of dough onto the prepared sheet pans. Bake for 10 minutes until the edges are turning golden brown but the centers are still tender.

Cool on the baking sheet for a few minutes before using a spatula to transfer to a cooling rack. Repeat the above with the remaining dough.

IN THE TIMES

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On Tech: Don’t quit Facebook. Change laws.

What to do if you think Facebook worsens misinformation and hate speech.

Don’t quit Facebook. Change laws.

Ariel Davis

There was a predictable backlash this week when celebrities like Kim Kardashian West stopped social media posts for a day on Instagram, the photo-sharing site owned by Facebook, to protest the social network.

This is a stunt, some people said. If you think Facebook worsens misinformation and hate speech, just quit the social network. Dear readers, you too might have felt guilty for still being on Facebook.

A recent book by the leftist lawyer and activist Zephyr Teachout short-circuited this narrative for me. The point shouldn’t be bigger or more draconian shaming and blaming of companies people think are irresponsible, she wrote. The goal should be changing laws.

In short: When you get mad at Facebook, don’t ask it to change. Ask your government to change Facebook.

“The target really should be Congress now,” Teachout told me. “You can snark at Kim after you call Chuck,” referring to Kardashian West and Senator Chuck Schumer of New York. Or substitute your own elected official.

Teachout’s book, called in part “Break ‘Em Up,” had two points about the prevalence of consumer protests of companies, whether they’re against big banks, pharmaceutical giants or Facebook.

First, it’s unfair and counterproductive to ask people to give up an essential communications tool like Facebook to have any say on its impact on the world. You don’t have to quit driving to demand safer roads.

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And second, it is an aberration in history for people to fight what they believe are unfair corporate practices with personal consumer action. It validates the power of the company, and neuters the responsibility of government. (Binyamin Appelbaum, a member of The New York Times editorial board, made a similar point in a new column.) Instead of urging power companies to burn less fossil fuel, tax the carbon emissions.

One problem with the idea of changing laws and not Facebook is that even the company’s critics don’t necessarily agree on what regulation or laws should be imposed. (Teachout’s prescription: Ban advertising tailored to our habits for “essential communications infrastructure,” and — as the book’s title suggests — break up Facebook, and about two dozen other companies.)

And — while it really, really makes me cringe to type this — companies can be more accountable than our elected officials. People don’t think governments will do anything, and companies might.

That’s one reason Color of Change, one of the civil rights groups behind this week’s celebrity social media freeze and a recent pause of big companies buying ads on Facebook, said both consumer boycotts and pressure for government-imposed changes are needed.

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“Our goal at Color of Change is definitely longer term systemic change and specifically legislative change,” said Arisha Hatch, the organization’s chief of campaigns. That takes time, she said, and company boycotts give people “something small, easy and strategic that they can do to actually win real world change for Black people.”

Teachout said that she believed the boycott campaign against Facebook was wildly successful in educating people and shaming the company, but she also believed it proved her point that protests aimed at changing corporations don’t work.

“Boycotts that reinforce that Mark Zuckerberg is our king and should be kind to us are dangerous,” Teachout said.

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The TikTok edition of, ‘Oh, this again?’

The Trump administration on Friday announced what sounded like a death sentence for TikTok in America. Except … was it?

The back story, again: This video app from a company in China has created a royal mess. Some American politicians and others worry that it could become a way for China’s government to suck up information on Americans or spread a China-friendly view of the world.

There are reasons to be worried about TikTok, and reasons to believe that concerns about it are motivated not by national security but nationalism. The reality is probably a little bit of both.

After many months of this, the Trump administration gave TikTok an ultimatum weeks ago: Sell to an American company or essentially close down the app in the United States. This threat seemed, in hindsight, to be mostly empty or a negotiating tactic.

Days ago, an arrangement was proposed in which Oracle, an American software company, agreed to keep watch over TikTok’s data and make relatively cosmetic changes rather than a wholesale Americanization of the app. The risk of TikTok being potentially abused for Chinese data harvesting or propaganda wouldn’t be reduced much, if at all. It was all much ado about not much.

Except now, in a plot twist of a very dull soap opera, the White House seems to be blowing up that arrangement. Maybe. I don’t know.

My colleagues Ana Swanson and David McCabe reported that the Trump administration announced new restrictions that it said would, in practice, ban the TikTok app — along with WeChat, another app from a Chinese company — in the United States.

A threat of a ban, again. I have questions.

If I wait five minutes, will all of this change? Will the White House follow through with a new set of rules that are convoluted at best? Are Apple and Google, which control the app stores, required to go along with a government order to cripple these two apps?

And the administration’s rules appeared to soon prohibit updates to and new downloads of the TikTok app in the United States. But a deadline for a hard ban has now moved from Sunday to Nov. 12 — yes, after the presidential election, when these rules might not matter anymore.

It seems like there’s a final word on TikTok. But let’s see what happens. On TV, soap opera story lines drag on for decades.

Before we go …

  • Algorithms! You’ve read here about ways in which software decisions derived from digital data can perpetuate bias in law enforcement and student grades. Jennifer Miller writes for The Times about whether home mortgage lending — an area of finance historically hampered by racism — can be more effective and more fair if software makes decisions on loans and not humans.
  • Yes to the power of girls: The Atlantic writes about the double-edged sword for teen girls who get “TikTok famous.” The allure of TikTok is the promise of freedom and a powerful connection with other girls. It can also be overwhelming to be hypervisible or be subject to people’s harassment.
  • This is an interesting idea: My colleague Kevin Roose has talked about YouTube’s automated video recommendations pulling people into ever more extreme or dangerous ideas. But as with most algorithms, outsiders don’t know why YouTube suggests what it does, and how often it pushes people to extremes. The foundation behind the Firefox web browser is trying to piece together how YouTube’s recommendations work through crowdsourced research.

Hugs to this

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