2020年9月18日 星期五

The Daily: Life Inside a Quarantine Dorm

How one college student fought Covid-19 in isolation — with her mother on FaceTime.
The University of Alabama campus in Tuscaloosa.Vasha Hunt/Associated Press

Listen to Wednesday’s episode: “Quarantine on a College Campus

What’s it like for students who head off to college for in-person instruction this semester, only to get the coronavirus?

That’s the experience the producers Rachelle Bonja and Eric Krupke wanted to share with listeners. So they called me last week to ask about a story I had just written on how universities are trying to control Covid-19 outbreaks by moving students with infections into dedicated campus isolation dorms.

My assignment: To find one undergrad whose experience could encapsulate the lonely and stressful campus isolation treatment that thousands of sick students across the country are undergoing at their schools.

Zoie Terry, a 19-year-old sophomore at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa, whom I had already interviewed about quarantine dorms, agreed to take us through her ordeal in detail.

In the episode, we followed Zoie as she returned to campus and ended up coming down with the coronavirus even before classes started. She had to move to a campus isolation unit, a virtually empty dorm building, where, she told us, she felt cut off from college and from the rest of the world.

But that was not all. Zoie told us about how her mother, Lynn Terry, a former neonatal I.C.U. nurse, had played an extraordinary role in helping her through the isolation experience. So I decided to interview Lynn as well.

It turned out that Zoie’s mom Lynn was equally — if not more — anxious than Zoie. She said she was shocked that there was no university staff on site in the isolation dorm to monitor sick students’ symptoms. So Lynn decided to step in, watching Zoie sleep every night over a livestream FaceTime feed and monitoring her breathing.

By the time I interviewed Lynn, I had already spoken with about two dozen students about their isolation treatment at different universities. And I thought I had a handle on their experiences.

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But as I listened to Zoie’s mom, I realized that I had underestimated the anxiety that having a sick child on campus can cause families — not to mention the added stress of worrying that universities are not sufficiently taking care of them.

Lynn, who is also a poet, was so troubled by her daughter’s campus isolation experience that she shared a poem she wrote about it on Twitter. She also read some of her poetry for us in the interview. Take a listen.

Talk to Natasha on Twitter: @natashanyt.

‘A cascade of crises piling up on the West’

A fire blazing along a road in Molalla, Oregon.via Reuters

A note from Jack Healy, our guest on Tuesday’s episode, “A Deadly Tinderbox”:

When I landed in Portland and walked outside into a steel-colored haze to cover the wildfires tearing across the length of the state, I knew that my face mask wasn’t going to help me anymore.

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The surgical masks we’ve all gotten accustomed to wearing during the pandemic are useless against the fine particulate matter being belched out by this year’s record-breaking fires. I needed an N95 mask to filter the irritants swirling through the air from all those burning trees, homes, insulation, car seats, plastic backyard sets and every other piece of combustible material in the path of the fires.

I didn’t have a proper mask to screen out the contaminants from the fires, and as I worked my way across Oregon, I noticed that neither did most of the firefighters and residents I interviewed, even the ones directly in the path of the fire, standing directly in air that was literally too toxic for standard air-quality monitors to gauge.

I could feel the ash and smoke pulsing inside my lungs as I held my recorder up to talk to evacuees in the little rural town of Molalla, about an hour south of Portland. I could see firefighters’ eyes watering and hear them coughing as they trudged into an elementary school to grab dinner and head back out to the fire lines.

When you’re a reporter covering a crisis, you are always trying to balance the bigger picture with the action unfolding directly in front of you. In this case, there was a lot to contextualize.

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The fires I witnessed were part of a cascade of crises piling up on the West — with climate change and the coronavirus compounding the out-of-control blazes’ toll.

In the middle of a pandemic, evacuees are being forced into the close quarters of emergency shelter, making people with respiratory problems particularly vulnerable to both these toxic plumes and the virus. And in the long term, climate change will make these mega-fire seasons worse and worse, forcing cities and states to confront questions about whether it is safe to allow homes to be built in fire-prone areas and whether they are doing enough to mitigate the risk to residents and firefighters.

But these fires, burning through some deeply conservative corners of Oregon, are also fueling the flames of the country’s crisis of political polarization. In these counties, climate change is still viewed with skepticism, and the fires are scorching farm fields with big Trump-Pence signs in the yards. While many residents did see these fires as a harbinger of a transforming climate, some people saw them as a freak one-off, the product of an aberrant windstorm, a burn unlike anything they’d seen in decades.

“We’re Republicans up in those mountains,” Lee Reagan told me, a few days after the trailer where he had been living burned down. His wife, Trish, said she was leaning into her faith. “I know God’s going to provide. I don’t know how yet.”

Talk to Jack on Twitter: @jackhealyNYT.

On The Daily this week

Monday: Under President Trump, Immigration and Customs Enforcement has seen its powers expanded. We speak to two filmmakers who were granted rare access to the agency.

Tuesday: The scale of Oregon’s wildfires is dizzying — millions of acres burned and thousands of people have been displaced. Jack Healy speaks to those living in the fires’ path.

Wednesday: I just sat there and started crying.” We hear from Zoie Terry, a student at the University of Alabama, about her experience of being placed in an isolation dorm by her college after testing positive for the coronavirus.

Thursday: On the Greek island of Lesbos, a makeshift city of tents and containers housed thousands of asylum seekers who had fled conflict and hardship. This month it burned down. Matina Stevis-Gridneff on the European refugee crisis and the blaze at Moria camp.

Friday: Our producer Lisa Chow spoke to one kindergarten teacher in New York City about the city’s messy return to school, and the threats reopening poses to her immunocompromised daughter.

That’s it for The Daily newsletter. See you next week.

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The case for political parties

Or why the Founders were wrong.
Author Headshot

By Jamelle Bouie

Opinion Columnist

I gave a virtual talk this week, “Modernizing American Democracy,” and I thought I would share the intro of it, which focused on the ways we could strengthen political parties and move away from a two-party system. Here is a somewhat abridged version of my introduction:

If I were to ask you to name the big problems with American democracy as constructed by the Constitution, there are a few obvious answers. There’s the fact that the Constitution preserved a slave system that — because of key provisions in the document — grew into a slave society that brought the country to civil war within a few generations of the founding. There’s the fact that the Constitution excludes huge parts of the population — especially women and racial minorities — from the polity. And there’s the fact that certain political compromises, like equal state representation in the Senate, have become major obstacles for anyone interested in functional, responsive government.

But there’s one major flaw in the Constitution that isn’t often seen as a major flaw: It doesn’t make room for or accommodate political parties.

The founders famously hated political parties.

James Madison warned against the ways in which “different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power … have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity.” By his lights, political crisis occurred when the government is “violently heated and distracted by the rage of party.”

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In particular, Madison feared parties organized along geography and region. “Should a state of parties arise founded on geographical boundaries and other physical and permanent distinctions which happen to coincide with them, what is to control these great repulsive Masses from awful shocks against each other?”

John Adams, likewise, worried that “a division of the republic into two great parties” is to be “dreaded as the great political evil.” Alexander Hamilton blamed the English Civil War of the previous century on a people who had been “overwhelmed by the tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage.”

And George Washington’s farewell address, of course, warned of “the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, in which different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities.” Washington also worried that partisanship would escalate into “despotism” and that partisan passions would “gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual.”

Sounds, um, prescient.

Following these warnings, Americans have historically been very receptive to anti-partyism. From Washington onward, our political leaders have bemoaned parties and partisanship. The major reforms of the Progressive Era — the recall election, the referendum, women’s suffrage and direct election of senators — were tied to an anti-party message, a promise that cleaner elections and more accountability meant a less partisan democracy.

But here’s the thing. The founders (and their anti-party successors) were wrong.

There’s a reason political parties exist in every single modern democracy. It’s the same reason American democracy, despite the anti-party rhetoric of its founders, developed political parties just a few years after the Constitution was ratified.

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That reason is straightforward: It is impossible to do representative democracy without political parties. Parties organize ordinary citizens into political actors. Parties help them feel represented and give them a stake in the system; they politicize otherwise apolitical people; they transmit information and explain the stakes of law, legislation and elections. Most important, they channel political ambition into constructive service, from volunteering to office-holding to other activities.

We need political parties, and if there is a major problem with American democracy, it’s that we have far too few.

What I Wrote

My Tuesday column was on the president’s paranoiac campaign and how he is directly and openly threatening to subvert democracy:

The larger, more important factor is that Trump isn’t actually running for re-election — or at least, not running in the traditional manner. He has a campaign, yes, but it is not a campaign to win votes or persuade the public outside of a few, select slivers of the electorate. Instead, it’s a campaign to hold on to power by any means necessary, using every tool available to him as president of the United States. Caputo, in that sense, is only taking cues from his boss.

My Friday column was on the latest Facebook revelations and why they are yet another reminder that the platform is a danger to democracy:

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Facebook has been incredibly lucrative for its founder, Mark Zuckerberg, who ranks among the wealthiest men in the world. But it’s been a disaster for the world itself, a powerful vector for paranoia, propaganda and conspiracy-theorizing as well as authoritarian crackdowns and vicious attacks on the free press. Wherever it goes, chaos and destabilization follow.

I had a long conversation on the “Know Your Enemy” podcast on the uses and abuses of history in political writing, and I did a live chat on Twitter, which you can watch here.

Now Reading

Danielle Allen on the Constitution in The Atlantic.

Krithika Varagur on Oregon’s experiment with policing in The New York Review of Books.

Marcia Chatelain on diversity and the Democratic Party in Dissent.

Apoorva Tadepalli on liberal NIMBYISM in The New Republic.

Samuel Goldman on the rise and fall of Brooks Brothers in First Things magazine.

Feedback

If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

Jamelle Bouie

Another night photo, this one of a tire and car-repair shop on a main thoroughfare in Charlottesville, Va.

Now Eating: Tahini Chocolate Chip Cookies

At some point I may have shared a recipe for tahini chocolate chip cookies that used butter as well as tahini. Well, this recipe is all tahini, and it makes for a chewy cookie with a subtle, nutty flavor. A pro tip about chocolate chip cookies: You’ll get your best results with a blend of flours. I typically use half all-purpose and half cake flour, but I’ve also used half all-purpose and half bread flour. You should experiment and see what works best for your kitchen.

This recipe comes from Food52. And I think it is possible to make it vegan with a simple egg substitute.

Ingredients

  • ½ cup tahini (I use Soom)
  • ½ cup granulated sugar
  • ⅓ cup light brown sugar
  • 1 large egg
  • 1½ tablespoons cold water
  • 1 teaspoon vanilla extract
  • ¾ teaspoon kosher salt
  • ⅓ teaspoon baking soda
  • 1 cup all-purpose flour (or ½ cup all-purpose and ½ plus 1 tablespoon cake flour)
  • 1 cup bittersweet chocolate wafers

Directions

Heat the oven to 375° F. Line baking sheet with parchment paper or a silicone mat.

Combine the tahini, sugar and brown sugar in the bowl of a standing mixer fitted with the paddle attachment. Mix on medium for a couple of minutes, scraping down with a rubber spatula once or twice. It will be crumbly, not creamy.

Add the eggs, water and vanilla extract. Continue to mix on medium for another couple of minutes, again scraping every so often. The mixture will look glossy and fudgy.

Add the salt and baking soda. Mix on low just to combine. Add the flour and mix until almost combined. Then add the chocolate chips and mix again.

Scoop rounded tablespoons of dough onto the prepared sheet pans. Bake for 10 minutes until the edges are turning golden brown but the centers are still tender.

Cool on the baking sheet for a few minutes before using a spatula to transfer to a cooling rack. Repeat the above with the remaining dough.

IN THE TIMES

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