2020年9月25日 星期五

On Tech: Facebook’s power this election

How much should Facebook be held responsible for what happens on its site?

Facebook’s power this election

Zipeng Zhu

Charlie Warzel is furious about Facebook. Even when I don’t agree with him, I want to know what he thinks.

In his New York Times Opinion columns, Charlie has over months railed against the company for what he said were decisions and design flaws that created fertile ground for the QAnon conspiracy, toxic and extremist speech and manipulative information about elections, including claims from President Trump. He has argued that Facebook should more aggressively demote or delete divisive and potentially dangerous posts.

On the doorstep of the U.S. presidential election, Charlie and I talked about how much blame Facebook and other internet companies deserve for divisions in the United States, and how much Facebook should intervene to make sure voters aren’t swayed by misleading narratives about the world.

Shira: Your most recent column is an argument with yourself. You want tech companies to push people toward factual election information and make voting easier, but worry that corporations like Facebook have too much power.

Charlie: Yes, we talked in the spring about a similar feeling I had about technology companies and coronavirus exposure alerts. When crises happen and important institutions like the government fail us, we look for adults in the room. These companies are potential adults, and there’s something soothing about that.

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But it’s also crazy to ask maybe a dozen unelected people in charge of big internet companies to protect a pillar of American democracy.

Do we place too much blame on internet companies for what individuals do on their sites? Facebook didn’t start the QAnon conspiracy theory or put inflammatory words in President Trump’s mouth.

There’s a lot of misdirected anger now, yes, but we shouldn’t let the internet companies off the hook.

I can’t get out of my head the false information that spread on social media wrongly blaming anti-fascist activists for the wildfires in Oregon. People flooded law enforcement tip lines with bogus leads, and the misinformation made some people defy evacuation orders.

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I don’t blame Facebook for the ills of the country. But it is an accelerant, and what galls me is that the company seems unwilling to grapple with that in a serious way — while feigning that it is.

If President Trump makes false claims that undermine trust in the election, why not blame him — not Facebook for disseminating what he says? He says the same things in front of TV cameras, too.

That’s right but, again, it shouldn’t let Facebook or other internet companies off the hook.

And the fact that Trump can say in the briefing room that he might not accept the results of the election should actually remove some pressure from these internet companies to let him post whatever he wants. They are not lawmakers’ only voice.

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In these excerpts from Facebook’s internal meetings, Mark Zuckerberg, the company’s chief executive, said the majority of negative customer feedback Facebook receives is from people concerned the company removes too many posts, and that they often interpret those actions as the company’s bias against conservative views.

If you, as well as some of Facebook’s employees, want Facebook to more aggressively demote or delete manipulative or potentially dangerous posts but its customers are concerned about censorship, isn’t the company right to be cautious?

This is Facebook trying to be two incompatible things. There is Facebook that is a customer-oriented product, like McDonald’s, serving two billion people.

And there is Facebook that acknowledges it has a social responsibility as essential communications infrastructure for elections, the pandemic and more. McDonald’s wants customers to be happy, but it doesn’t try to secure elections.

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A government acted on corporate behavior. Nothing happened.

It has been a week since I wrote about Zephyr Teachout’s prescription for how people should help fix what they believe is irresponsible behavior by companies like Facebook: Don’t demand that the company change its behavior. Demand that governments force the company to change. (Some of you disagreed with this.)

But I’ve been wondering, What happens if governments force companies to change and nothing happens?

California passed a law last year that was intended to force Uber and some other companies to classify their workers as employees rather than contractors. Lawmakers acted because of concerns that Uber and similar companies misapplied contract work rules in ways that left people without minimum wages, sick leave and other benefits and job protections.

This is what Teachout, a law professor at Fordham University, was talking about. Pressure mounted, and the government tried to force companies to change their behavior. But Uber and some other companies said no.

They said the law — which was essentially written with them as the focus — did not apply to them. They sued and did not comply. Uber and Lyft told Californians they might be forced to shut down or significantly alter service in the state. Uber, Lyft and other companies have also spent $180 million and counting to ask California voters to redo the law in a November ballot measure. A recent poll showed that the vote might be close.

Look, this is how democracy and the legal system work in the United States. Corporations are free to challenge laws that they believe are wrong, and they can ask voters to tell their elected officials a law is misguided.

But I can’t help thinking that California did what Teachout talked about — the state saw a problem and acted. And a handful of companies just said no.

Before we go …

  • Public safety technology doesn’t work if local governments don’t use it effectively: My colleague Jim Tankersley wrote that when a wildfire struck part of western Oregon, officials didn’t turn on the emergency alert system intended to inform people about evacuation orders by text, radio and TV. Problems with notifications have plagued wildfire evacuations across the West in recent years, often with deadly consequences.
  • Google promises changes to how it treats workplace misconduct: Google’s parent company has agreed to make changes — including loosening requirements for employees to keep secret about sexual harassment settlements — to end lawsuits over its handling of workplace misconduct claims, my colleague Dai Wakabayashi writes. The lawsuits came after The Times reported two years ago that the company had approved a large payment to a star Google executive accused of workplace sexual misconduct.
  • A wild crime story about our software-driven lives: Prosecutors have charged former Amazon employees and e-commerce consultants with bribing Amazon workers for years to erase bad reviews, get competitors booted off the site for bogus reasons and other manipulations, Bloomberg News reported. The tactics show that what people buy on Amazon is influenced by computerized assessments of things like reviews and the reputation of the seller — and that those factors can be gamed.

Hugs to this

Jellyfish cam! (This was recommended by the television writer Cord Jefferson during a lovely interview by my colleague Tara Parker-Pope)

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2020年9月24日 星期四

On Tech: What’s the deal with Google now?

Google is facing the possibility of multiple antitrust lawsuits. Here's why and what's ahead.

What’s the deal with Google now?

Yoshi Sodeoka

Why are government lawyers in Washington, Texas and beyond thinking about suing Google for being an illegal monopoly? Let me try to untangle what will be a confusing — but potentially important — legal moment.

What’s the government suing over exactly? Uhhh … we’ll see. Google is so sprawling that the focus of possibly multiple antitrust lawsuits from the federal government and one or more groups of states is up in the air.

What COULD be the problem? One longstanding issue is Google’s evolution from a website that pointed people to the best links online to one that’s swallowing the web.

An example: Until a few years ago, if you had searched for a hotel in Niagara Falls, a local burger restaurant or Tom Cruise’s height, Google probably showed you links to Expedia, Yelp or a People magazine article.

Now, Google is more likely to prominently show information or advertisements from its own computer systems or scraped from other companies’ websites — and keep you within Google’s digital walls. Google isn’t a front door to the internet anymore. It’s the house.

This might be useful for people, maybe. But the government wants to know if Google puts its thumb on the scale to privilege its own services, and therefore unfairly hurts other businesses and gives us worse information than we’d have otherwise. (Google has said that it’s trying to show people the most relevant information.)

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What else? Another issue is Google planting its familiar search box everywhere. It’s the built-in search function on iPhones — a prime spot for which Google pays Apple billions of dollars each year. And in many cases, Google has deals to ensure that its search box has a pole position on Android smartphones. Same question here: Do Google’s actions unfairly hold back competition?

Didn’t you tell me about a different complaint about Google? I did! The government has also dug into the fairness of Google’s less well-known (and boring) role as a middleman in the computerized buying and selling of internet ads. That’s still of interest, maybe to the federal government and definitely to one or more states.

What could happen next? The most honest answer: Dunno. It depends on the specifics of possible lawsuits. The government could narrow its scope to those search contracts, and try to require that people have a choice of a search engine when they get a new phone. (That wouldn’t make a dent in Google.)

Maybe the government wants Google to open its search results by, for example, showing listings from TripAdvisor, not Google, when you hunt for Niagara Falls hotels.

Google’s worst-case scenario: that the government orders the company to break into pieces.

Normal life is over for Google. Any antitrust case or potential new laws taking on Google’s power would probably take years. But even if no U.S. court declares Google an abusive monopoly, the cloud of antitrust will follow it. Google has been dealing with this for years.

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Every time a competitor believes Google is unfairly squashing its business, there are howls. If Google wants to buy another company, it isn’t smooth sailing. The unexamined life is over for Google.

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How to make app stores more fair

Apple has an iron grip on what apps people can download on their iPhones, and some developers are complaining loudly about this arrangement as well as the fees that Apple collects from some apps.

The makers of apps like Spotify, Fortnite and Tinder are now suggesting (squishy and broad) changes to how app stores work to make them more fair, my colleague Erin Griffith wrote. I’ve plucked out a few of their points that I think are worth considering:

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Give people a payment choice: Any iPhone app lets people pay for digital stuff only with their Apple account, and Apple then takes a fee from that transaction.

This coalition seems to be asking that Apple allow app makers to include two payment options: one that lets me sign up for or pay with my Apple account, which would obligate the app maker to pay a commission to Apple; and a second that would let me use my credit card to buy stuff directly from the app maker.

This is how many Android apps work, and it’s sensible and fair.

Or at least let apps tell people where to buy outside the app: On the Kindle iPhone app, people can’t buy an e-book because Amazon doesn’t want to give Apple a cut of its sales. But Apple won’t let Amazon tell people in the app where to buy the e-book. The result is confusion. A web link in the app would be helpful.

Yes, Apple would lose money if it did this. Ditto for the payment choice. Apple says that it deserves to be paid for running the app store and making sure it’s safe. But Apple brings in $28 million in revenue per hour. It will live.

Create a buffer between Apple and competing apps: Apple promotes its own iPhone apps, which don’t have to pay the commissions that rival apps do — making it not a completely fair fight.

Spotify, for example, competes with an Apple music service that can fling free trial offers and other pitches to every iPhone owner, and doesn’t fork over up to 30 cents out of each dollar in commissions as Spotify must.

One app maker I spoke to suggested some kind of independent oversight board that would effectively remove Apple from app approvals or other decisions involving apps that compete with its own.

Before we go …

  • Bless those silly, blocky digital bricks: Emily Flake wrote for The New York Times’s Parenting newsletter about her nearly 8-year-old daughter deepening connections with friends through the Lego-like Roblox virtual game at a time when the pandemic kept them from being together in real life.
  • An important Facebook monitoring tool may be flawed: Facebook suggested that U.S. state election officials use a data tool it owns called CrowdTangle to spot and report election-related misinformation that’s going viral in their locales. But Bloomberg News wrote that a tech watchdog said CrowdTangle doesn’t accurately track information that is gaining ground in some Facebook spots, including most individual accounts and private groups, which are a hub for problems like conspiracies and bullying.
  • I don’t understand the internet: So these 27-year-old twins got popular on TikTok because people thought they were clueless for botching the name of Leonardo da Vinci. It turned out that’s what they wanted you to think, BuzzFeed News reported. Internet culture is a complicated set of in-jokes, and I am confused.

Hugs to this

This is a very elaborate investigation into people cheating in a fishing contest. It involved lab tests of strontium isotopes in a part of a fish’s ear. (Apparently fish have ears?)

We want to hear from you. Tell us what you think of this newsletter and what else you’d like us to explore. You can reach us at ontech@nytimes.com.

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