2020年10月30日 星期五

The Daily:

We look back on a year in the field (and share a big announcement).
The New York Times

The Daily: Live Election Day Broadcast

Well, we’re four days away from the election and we have no idea what’s going to happen. What will day-of turnout look like? Will vote counting go as planned? And how will President Trump respond to it all? Not sure! But you can find out in real time with us. Because we’re going LIVE.

On Tuesday, we’ll be hosting our first-ever live broadcast of The Daily. Michael Barbaro and Carolyn Ryan, The Times’s deputy managing editor, will be in the studio for the first time in months, talking to reporters and voters scattered across the country to make sense of what’s happening on Election Day. The broadcast will be available only on our website, so tune in at nytimes.com/thedaily on Nov. 3 from 4 to 8 p.m. Eastern time.

Before then, you can catch up on episodes you may have missed with our audio guide to the election. And, in the spirit of Halloween, listen to this spooky remix of Michael’s intro on The Daily, brought to you by our composer Dan Powell.

Also, this week is the last chance to share your thoughts on this newsletter. What would you like to see more (or less) of each week? Take this quick three-minute survey to make your voice heard.

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Looking back at The Field

The states we visited in the making of The Field (purple arrows represent battleground states). As the producer Andy Mills said, “Had it not been for this dang plague there’d have been even more arrows and states!”Jonathan Corum

The weirdness started in the hallway of a Des Moines Marriott.

In February, the producer Clare Toeniskoetter was sitting on the floor outside of The Times’s Iowa caucus conference room, deep in the flow state required to make an episode of The Daily in just a few hours. Then the news broke that the app reporting the caucus results had failed. “Everyone was jaw-dropped and making phone calls trying to figure out what went wrong,” Clare said.

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We thought that night would be a fluke. Looking back, it was an apt kickoff for the chaos that followed.

While we started off the year with well-made plans (we were going to send producers every week into the field! We wanted to visit dozens of states!), those logistics were sent through the garbage disposal of 2020, just like everything else.

So in March, we called one another from our couches and charted out new (and virtual) ways to meet voters across the country. Away from the office, some relocating to new cities or hometowns, our producers working from Florida to Minnesota found themselves tapped to be local reporters, covering protests and swing states with new proximity.

All told, we still made it to 16 states. We saw the stakes change, stump speeches rewritten and a Supreme Court transformed. We met union members, protesters and the ladies of Red, Wine and Blue. Along the way, we played slots, sang “Les Mis” and cracked cold beers in unfamiliar hotel rooms to decompress.

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This week, as we’re approaching the end of our journey through the field for the 2020 campaign cycle, we spoke with suburban women in Ohio, gun owners in Washington State and retirement home residents in Florida. As Election Day nears closer, we asked our producers to share a few of their favorite moments from this year:

I loved being able to tell the story of the Culinary Workers Union, whose members are the invisible glue that holds the glitz of Vegas together. They include cooks, cleaners and bartenders. They fought tooth and nail for the benefits they have, which involved a worker strike in the ’90s that lasted for six years. The city is much less glamorous when you peel back the curtain. — Austin Mitchell

Austin and Jennifer Medina outside the headquarters of the Culinary Workers Union in Las Vegas.Clare Toeniskoetter/The New York Times

I remember landing in Massachusetts with Austin with no plan but a rumor that Elizabeth Warren was going to drop out of the race. Austin had Googled Warren’s home and we Uber-ed there. As we pulled up, we found ourselves in the eye of a press storm. I knew we needed to speak to a longtime Warren supporter to help us understand the weight of this moment. I looked through old articles in a local newspaper and found the name of Lyn Licciardello. I gave her a call, catching her right before she was heading out of town. A few hours later, we were in her living room, listening to her cry as she reflected on Warren’s campaign. “All the people who were behind Elizabeth wanted to see a woman prevail,” Lyn said. — Jessica Cheung

Jessica and Astead W. Herndon interviewing Lyn after Warren dropped out of the Democratic presidential primary race.
Austin Mitchell/The New York Times

My favorite moment from the field was actually something that didn’t make it into the episode. We were with our main character, Julius Irving, a former felon who was vote canvassing, and he walked up to a woman who seemed resistant to hearing what he had to say. After a brief back and forth, he apologized for bothering her, and then all of a sudden, it was like the wall she had put up came crumbling down. She told him she had recently lost her granddaughter in an accident, and they stood there for a while talking about life and loss and the importance of community support. By the end of the conversation, she told Julius to knock on her door if he ever needed anything. It had nothing to do with voting or politics, but it was a beautiful moment of humanity between two strangers. — Rachel Quester

Answering your questions about the Electoral College

Last week, Jesse Wegman walked us through the history of the Electoral College. In the episode, we explored its origins and complexities, and recounted how, in the 1960s, it was almost replaced with a national popular vote.

Some of you had questions about the issues raised in the episode, so we put them to Jesse.

Jesse is a member of The Times’s editorial board, and the answers below are his own opinions. While we rarely have columnists and opinion writers on The Daily, we sometimes make exceptions for subject-matter experts, as Michael Barbaro explained here.

Q. Why can’t states decide to give their own electoral votes proportionally to reflect their own state’s voting? If each state did this, wouldn’t that achieve the same goal and be easier?

A. Awarding electors proportionally sounds good in theory, but in practice it wouldn’t improve the presidential election for several reasons.

First, it would not eliminate the risk that the popular vote loser could become president. Second, all 50 states would have to adopt this method for it to work, which they would not do. Third, it would continue to distort the popular vote in smaller states. How would you divvy up, say, the three electoral votes in Alaska, which is currently polling at about 53-45 percent in favor of Trump? If you divided electoral votes into fractions and awarded them proportionally, you would get very close to a reflection of the national popular vote. But this would only be possible through a constitutional amendment abolishing the office of elector, because electors are human beings and can’t be divided into fractions.

Q. The way the Electoral College works now puts a lot of focus on the swing states. If we move to a national popular vote, wouldn’t political campaigning just shift to urban population centers at the expense of more sparsely populated rural areas. Are there proposals out there for a third way?

A. For starters, America’s biggest cities don’t come close to having enough votes to determine the outcome of a national election. It would make no sense for campaigns to spend all their time in those cities, and they don’t. If you look at how campaigns are currently conducted in statewide elections (say, for governor or for president in a battleground state), you see that they work to win votes everywhere — in cities, suburbs, towns and rural areas. That’s the tried-and-true strategy in an election where every vote counts the same and the candidate who gets the most votes wins. Candidates know that even if they won’t win a given region, they can aim to lose it by less, and that can make all the difference.

That’s it for The Daily newsletter. See you next week.

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A time to talk movies

A look at two of the most popular “race dramas” of the 1990s.
Author Headshot

By Jamelle Bouie

Opinion Columnist

I thought a lot about what I would write for this afternoon. On one hand, I have a lot of thoughts about the election, about the Trump campaign, about the state of American democracy. On the other hand, I know everyone is exhausted and I like that this space can be a bit of a respite from the direness of everyday politics. With that in mind, here are a few short paragraphs on two of the movies I watched this week.

You would not necessarily think to watch “A Time to Kill” and “Amistad” as a double feature. The former, directed by Joel Schumacher, who died recently, and released in 1996, is an adaptation of John Grisham’s 1989 novel of the same name, a pulpy legal thriller concerning racial violence and retribution in a post-Jim Crow Mississippi. The latter, directed by Steven Spielberg, is a 1997 drama about the slave ship La Amistad and the fight to secure freedom for its captives. But they both are legal thrillers, both star Matthew McConaughey, and both tell us a great deal about how mainstream (read: white) American audiences understood racism in the 1990s.

First, a recap. In “A Time to Kill,” McConaughey plays a young lawyer who takes the case of Carl Lee Hailey, who is on trial for murder. Hailey, played by Samuel L. Jackson, had killed the two men responsible for the abduction, rape and attempted murder of his 10-year-old daughter, shooting them in the courthouse. The film devotes itself to the drama of the trial as well as events in the world at large, as the Hailey case becomes a flash point for civil rights groups, white supremacists and the national media.

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In “Amistad,” McConaughey plays a young lawyer who takes the case of the enslaved men of the ship La Amistad, who overcame their Spanish captors only to be captured by a U.S. revenue cutter. The trial concerns their rightful ownership — whether they were the property of the government of Spain, as argued by Secretary of State John Forsyth on behalf of President Martin Van Buren, or were captured by Spanish slavers and sold illegally, and thus legally free. Their struggle goes all the way to the Supreme Court, and former President John Quincy Adams (played by a wonderful Anthony Hopkins) argues their case and wins their freedom.

If you watch these movies back to back, a few elements make themselves immediately clear. There is the extent to which the Black characters exist as objects to be acted upon, not protagonists in their own right. There is also the extent to which racism is portrayed as a problem of individual souls, not one of power and structure.

But what I’m most interested in is how these movies, taken together, seem to situate racism outside of the present as understood by their audiences. “A Time to Kill” takes place in a small, anonymous Mississippi town. It has a Black sheriff, yes, but its presentation is that of an anachronism, a place removed from the full tide of liberal progress. If the villains of the film are atavistic racists with vicious instincts — from snarling Klansmen to a white juror who doesn’t hesitate to use racial slurs — it is because, the film says, Mississippi is a backward place where the raw bigotry of the past still holds sway.

This sense is hammered home by the aesthetic of the film, which I can only describe as “sweatcore.” Our characters are always sweating, never to enjoy the cool embrace of air conditioning. They’re either caught in the sweltering heat of a Southern summer or the warm neon of a stuffy, humid hotel room. The effect is to set the characters apart, as if they exist in a different universe altogether. “A Time to Kill” takes place in the present of the 1990s, but it presents racism as an ugly relic, whose impact is felt most in those places time has left behind.

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“Amistad,” by contrast, is a period drama. It takes place in 1839, near the height of America’s slave society. And yet, outright racism does not make much of an appearance. Nor do we see many images of slavery outside of a harrowing section depicting the Middle Passage, from the western coast of Africa to the Americas, where captives were subjected to the worst kinds of brutality, up to and including forced drowning when the vessel runs low on supplies.

The purpose of all of this, as far as the viewer goes, is to build sympathy for the captives — led by Djimon Hounsou as Cinqué — as if their suffering is the only way we have to connect to their humanity. It’s also part of the broader arc of the film, which is to present the Amistad case as the first confrontation in a battle that will lead to the Civil War and the liberation of the enslaved.

This is not true — in the real world, the case of La Amistad was a minor curiosity, the resolution of a set of loopholes in American law — but it does fit Spielberg’s expectation of a mainstream audience, that it could only absorb a drama about racial oppression if it were one part in a story that leads to victory and moral renewal. Racism was a problem and now, thanks to the heroism of the protagonists, it is no longer.

This makes “Amistad” the other side of the coin to “A Time to Kill,” in that it also relegates racism to the past. Not by creating a zone of exception in modern society, but by presenting the modern era as, by implicit contrast, a more enlightened place.

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From the perspective of 2020, where Donald Trump is president of the United States and white supremacists have surged back into the mainstream, this is ridiculous. But from the perspective of the 1990s, a time of broad prosperity in which American culture was more racially integrated than ever, it makes a certain amount of sense. For the target Hollywood audience of the time — white, suburban, middle-class and politically moderate — it was comforting (and even a little flattering) to see racism and racial oppression as artifacts of the past that only mattered for the present insofar that there were pockets of resistance to racial equality.

Despite very different styles and subject matter, “Amistad” and “A Time to Kill” both put racism at a remove from their mainstream viewers, reinforcing a (white) political consensus around the declining significance of race. In that, both films represent a remarkably self-satisfied vision for what was, in retrospect, a remarkably self-satisfied time.

What I Wrote

My Friday column is a contribution to The New York Times Opinion section package on what we’ve lost during the Trump years. My answer? Only our illusions.

For as much as it seems that Donald Trump has changed something about the character of this country, the truth is he hasn’t. What is terrible about Trump is also terrible about the United States. Everything we’ve seen in the last four years — the nativism, the racism, the corruption, the wanton exploitation of the weak and unconcealed contempt for the vulnerable — is as much a part of the American story as our highest ideals and aspirations.

Now Reading

David Frum on the Republican dilemma in The Atlantic.

Annette Gordon-Reed on hope and democracy in The New York Review of Books.

Tressie McMillan Cottom on Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez at Medium.

David Roth on the political future of Donald Trump Jr. at The New Republic.

Kara Voght on the economists driving Joe Biden’s agenda for Mother Jones.

Feedback

If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

Jamelle Bouie

Decided this week to pluck something from my archive! A few years ago, I went to observe a Revolutionary War battle re-enactment outside Williamsburg, Va., and hauled my old press camera with me to take pictures. The re-enactors were happy to pose for my portraits, and this one was one of my favorites.

Now Eating: Lentil Soup

I have been eating a lot of lentil soup lately, and all of it has been a variation on this recipe from Melissa Clark of The New York Times. I use a full mirepoix instead of just onions and garlic, and I go a little crazy with the herbs, sautéing the vegetables with chopped parsley and celery leaf. I also add another ¼ cup of lentils so that the soup is a little thicker when I purée it at the end. I usually finish with a drizzle of olive oil and a garnish of herbs. But that’s just me! You can go in any direction you like, since lentil soup is endlessly flexible.

Ingredients

  • 6 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil, plus more as needed
  • 1 large onion, diced
  • 1½ teaspoons kosher salt, plus more as needed
  • 1 quart chicken, beef or vegetable stock, preferably homemade
  • 1 cup brown or green lentils, rinsed
  • 2 thyme or rosemary sprigs
  • 1 to 2 garlic cloves, finely grated or pushed through a garlic press
  • 1 teaspoon white-wine, sherry or cider vinegar, or lemon or lime juice, plus more to taste
  • ½ cup thinly sliced radicchio, or red or green cabbage (optional)
  • ½ cup parsley leaves, chopped

Directions

Heat ¼ cup oil in a medium pot over medium-high heat. Stir in onions and ½ teaspoon salt, and cook until onions start to brown at the edges, stirring frequently, 6 to 9 minutes.

Stir in stock, lentils, thyme and remaining 1 teaspoon salt. Bring to a simmer, cover and cook until lentils are tender, 30 to 40 minutes. Discard thyme sprigs.

Stir in garlic and remaining 2 tablespoons oil, and use an immersion blender to purée the soup to the desired consistency, keeping it chunky or making it smooth. (Alternatively, ladle it into a blender and blend in batches.) Stir in vinegar, then taste and add more salt and vinegar if needed.

In a small bowl, toss radicchio, if using, and parsley with a drizzle of oil and a sprinkle of salt. To serve, ladle soup into bowls and top with a small mound of radicchio and parsley, and/or any other garnishes you like.

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