2021年1月9日 星期六

A case of apples and oranges

The difference between the summer riots and the Capitol siege
Author Headshot

By Jamelle Bouie

Opinion Columnist

Among the most disingenuous reactions to the Capitol breach on Wednesday comes from Republican lawmakers who want to distance themselves from President Trump without severing every tie they have to his movement. To achieve this delicate balance — and preserve their political prospects — they have conflated two distinct events into a singular phenomenon. Here, for example, is Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas, writing in The Wall Street Journal:

Over the summer, as insurrection gripped the streets, I called to send in the troops if necessary to restore order. On Wednesday insurrectionists occupied the Capitol and disrupted the proceedings of Congress. These groups waved signs with different slogans, but our response must be the same: no quarter for insurrectionists. Those who use violence to advance their agendas must be stopped with the full force of the law.

And here is Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, making a similar point in a video posted to Twitter on Friday morning:

The events that we saw this week should sicken every single one of us. Mob violence of the kind you see in Third World countries happened not just in America, but in your Capitol. I don’t care what hat they wear or what they banner they carry, riots should be rejected by everyone, every single time. Now, are the Left hypocrites? Absolutely. I remember, what they now are calling insurrection, they were justifying just this summer as the “language of the unheard,” when rioters were burning cities.

There is an obvious problem here, and I’m sure you see it. The riots of last summer were disruptive and destructive, although we should not take them out of the context of the aggressive, draconian response to protest that inflamed tensions and turned ordinary demonstrations into extraordinary disorder. But civil unrest — a recurring feature of American society — is not actually insurrection.

An insurrection is a violent uprising against the government. There were no insurrections last summer. Instead, there were protests that collapsed into mayhem, none of which challenged the authority of the governments in question. Senator Cotton, in particular, may have wanted that unrest to be a kind of insurrectionary violence — so that the Trump administration would usurp the authority of state and local officials and deploy federal troops — but simply wishing something doesn’t make it true.

By contrast, the Capitol breach by the “Stop the Steal” mob was an explicit attempt to subvert the government, because it targeted Congress itself. More important, where the violence of last summer was spontaneous and untethered to any particular political authority, the mob on Wednesday was organized by allies of the president and sent to the Capitol by Trump himself.

To compare the riots of last summer to the siege on Wednesday is to make a category error. Of course, Senators Cotton and Rubio have every reason to make that false equivalence.

For them to make the Capitol attack an issue of “riots” is to obscure their own roles in either humoring the president’s attack on the election or spreading his false claims about compromised election integrity. Their rhetoric right now is a diversion meant to mislead, not an honest assessment of the state of the nation.

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What I Wrote

My Tuesday column was on the Republican Party’s weakening commitment to the basic democratic idea that political opponents who win elections are entitled to the power they confer.

Of the many stories to tell about American politics since the end of the Cold War, one of growing significance is how the Republican Party came to believe in its singular legitimacy as a political actor. Whether it’s a hangover from the heady days of the Reagan revolution (when conservatives could claim ideological hegemony) or something downstream of America’s reactionary traditions, it’s a belief that now dominates conservative politics and has placed much of the Republican Party in opposition to republican government itself.

And my Friday column argued for the speedy impeachment and removal of President Trump in the wake of the Capitol incident, lest Congress allow the perpetrators to escape with impunity.

This is backward. A physical attack on Congress by violent Trump supporters egged on by the president demands a direct response from Congress itself. Impeachment and conviction is that response. To rely on the executive branch to get Trump out of the White House is to abdicate the legislature’s constitutional responsibility to check presidential lawbreaking.

Now Reading

Robin D.G. Kelley on racism and the labor struggle in Against the Current.

Jacob Anbinder on gentrification in The Atlantic.

Ali Breland on the idea of “Trump Country” in Mother Jones.

Mansa Keita on racial slurs and their impact in Arc Digital.

Adam Gurri on the meaning of liberal democracy in Liberal Currents.

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Feedback
If you’re enjoying what you’re reading, please consider recommending it to your friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week’s newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

A somewhat ironic flyer found on the Downtown Mall in Charlottesville, Va.

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Now Listening

A new feature! Every so often, I will provide a playlist of what I’m listening to while I write the newsletter. Sometimes there’s a theme, most of the time there isn’t. This time, you’ll notice, there is a theme. If you use Apple Music, you can click here for a link to the playlist. Otherwise, you’ll have to recreate it in Spotify or whatever music streaming service you use. Hope you enjoy.

1. “State of the Nation” by New Order

2. “Leaders of Men" by Joy Division

3. “Damaged Goods” by Gang of Four

4. “Straight to Hell” by the Clash

5. “Rise” by Public Image Ltd.

6. “This Damn Nation” by the Godfathers

7. “Chain of Command” by XTC

8. “Show of Strength” by Echo & the Bunnymen

9. “Shock the Monkey” by Peter Gabriel

10. “Coup” (12-inch version) by 23 Skidoo

Now Eating: Broccoli and Cheddar Soup

I have only a few comments on this recipe, which comes from NYT Cooking: It’s a classic soup and an excellent preparation. You should give it a try (and don’t skimp on either the broccoli or the Cheddar).

Ingredients

  • 6 tablespoons unsalted butter
  • 1 large yellow onion, finely chopped
  • 2 cloves garlic, finely chopped
  • kosher salt and freshly ground pepper
  • 2 pounds broccoli, florets with stems peeled and trimmed to 3 inches
  • ¼ cup all-purpose flour
  • 3 cups low-sodium chicken or vegetable broth
  • 2 cups half-and-half
  • 8 ounces very sharp Cheddar, grated, plus more for the top
  • ¼ teaspoon freshly grated nutmeg

Directions

Melt 3 tablespoons butter in a large heavy-bottomed pot over medium heat. Add onion and garlic, and season with salt and pepper. Cook, stirring occasionally, until onion is softened and translucent, 5 to 8 minutes.

Add broccoli and season with salt and pepper. Cook, stirring occasionally, until broccoli is bright green and slightly tender, 8 to 10 minutes. Using a large cooking spoon, transfer broccoli mixture to a medium bowl and set aside.

Heat remaining 3 tablespoons butter in the same pot over medium heat (don’t worry about any remaining broccoli bits). Add flour and whisk constantly, cooking until the mixture has turned a pale golden brown, 2 to 3 minutes.

Gradually whisk in broth until no lumps remain (it’ll thicken considerably at first), followed by half-and-half. Bring to a simmer and stir in cheese, nutmeg and all but 1 cup of the reserved broccoli mixture.

Reduce heat to low and simmer until liquid has thickened and reduced by about ¼ and the broccoli is completely tender, 25 to 30 minutes.

Using a hand blender, purée the soup to desired consistency. (Some like to leave bits of broccoli in there. It is up to you how smooth or chunky the soup is.) Alternatively, transfer to a blender and purée to desired consistency.

Season soup with salt and pepper, and divide among bowls. Top with remaining 1 cup broccoli, more Cheddar (if you like) and lots of freshly ground pepper.

IN THE TIMES

News Analysis

America in 2021: Racial Progress in the South, a White Mob in the Capitol

A jarring juxtaposition is forcing a 244-year-old nation to contend with its original conundrum: Whose democracy is it?

By Astead W. Herndon

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How to Ensure This Never Happens Again

The election and its aftermath have revealed weaknesses in our democracy. Here’s how we can fix some of them.

By Beverly Gage and Emily Bazelon

Article Image

The Capitol Takeover That Wasn’t

In 1861, a pro-Southern mob wanted to block the tallying of electoral votes for Lincoln. So did some congressmen.

By Ted Widmer

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Feature

Knocking on Two Million Doors in Georgia

Control of the Senate could hinge on Black voters — and on an ambitious effort to get them to the polls in the largest numbers ever for the Jan. 5 runoff elections.

By Audra D. S. Burch

Article Image

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2021年1月8日 星期五

The Daily: The Sounds Before They Stormed

We were at the rally before the violence on Capitol Hill — and in Georgia for the special election.

By Lauren Jackson and Desiree Ibekwe

Hi everyone, we would say “Happy New Year” but that feels tonally off at this point, so instead we’ll say: We made it through the first full week of 2021!

If the last year has taught us anything, it’s how to adapt to the unexpected. So while we started the week covering Georgia’s Senate runoff elections, we soon pivoted to covering the buildup to, and fallout from, a violent mob ransacking the Capitol. Here’s a recap of this week on The Daily.

Monday: How Black women mobilized the vote in Georgia’s special election.

Tuesday: We asked Republican voters in Georgia: Would the president’s claims about election fraud affect their turnout?

Wednesday: What the Senate results in Georgia mean for the future of the state, and the presidency.

Thursday: The story of the storming of the Capitol from Times journalists on the inside.

Friday: How a pro-Trump mob managed to breach the walls of Congress.

The sounds before they stormed

Our producer on the ground recounts the mood at a rally near the White House before a mob of pro-Trump loyalists, urged on by the president, stormed and occupied the Capitol, disrupting the final electoral count in a shocking display of violence that tested the American democracy.

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President-elect Joe Biden called the attack “one of the darkest days in the history of our nation” and forcefully laid blame at the president’s feet after years of stoking divisions. “I wish we could say we couldn’t see it coming,” he said. “But that isn’t true. We could see it coming.”

Pro-Trump rioters clashed with the police outside the Capitol on Wednesday.Shannon Stapleton/Reuters

By Sydney Harper

Before Wednesday, The Daily team knew challenges were anticipated to the certification of Joe Biden’s presidential victory. So as one of the team members living in D.C., I volunteered to go to a pro-Trump rally near the White House and speak to attendees who erroneously believed Mr. Biden’s win was illegitimate. I wanted to talk to them about their reasons for protesting — and why they thought the day was meaningful. We believed hearing from Republican rallygoers outside of the Capitol would help shed light on the motivations of the Republican lawmakers inside.

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I got downtown around 7:30 a.m. and checked in with the security team that The Times set up to keep an eye on journalists’ whereabouts and safety during the day. Then I walked around and spoke to people ahead of the president’s planned speech. At first the feeling was almost like being at a street fair — there were people dressed up in costume posing for photos, merchandise sellers and families in the crowd. Even though attendees were coming from different places all around the country, their messages were similar: They were mad, they believed the election was stolen from the president and they were there to pressure Republican lawmakers to overturn the results. There also were Confederate flags, and insignia for far-right groups like the Proud Boys displayed prominently on clothing and signs, a signal of who was there and what they stood for.

Another feeling in the general atmosphere was anger, palpable in the air. I met up with a colleague, Washington correspondent Matt Rosenberg, and we talked to rallygoers together at the base of the Washington Monument before Congress convened for the certification vote. Those around us in the crowd were furious and fired up. Numerous times we were met with expletives when we told people who we work for — and shouts of “fake news” and vulgar gestures as the president derided the press in his speech.

At one end of the Washington Mall, looking up through the cold, gray morning at the Capitol Building, one group of young men in paramilitary gear warned us it was the last time we would see the group “peaceful.”

Listen to the full episode, and talk to Sydney on Twitter: @syddoo_

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The Black women telling the story of Georgia

By Robert Jimison

Democrats believe that the voting rights and political network Stacey Abrams has constructed should get a good deal of the credit for propelling the Democratic voter turnout in Georgia.Johnathon Kelso for The New York Times

On Monday, we told the story of Democratic organizers — Black women in particular — who have spent months on the ground in Georgia getting the vote out for Jon Ossoff and the Rev. Raphael Warnock, candidates in the state’s Senate runoff elections.

This story was important to me and Audra Burch, a national enterprise correspondent for The Times. We both grew up in Georgia. I attended high school in Macon and went to college in Atlanta; Audra is from Decatur. While we each cover stories around the country, there is a different appreciation and deep understanding we can bring when covering a place so familiar. And it was the relationships we’ve built here that helped us secure interviews with key organizers — booked with a trust that can’t be forged in a few weeks.

We knew we wanted to talk to Stacey Abrams, the former state House minority leader and candidate for governor turned Democratic organizer, about her widely publicized mobilization strategy. That conversation became the first part of Monday’s episode. But we also wanted to see this strategy in action. So we called LaTosha Brown and Cliff Albright, co-founders of Black Voters Matter. Together their organization had been touring the South, and the country more broadly, in a charter bus, registering voters and encouraging turnout in Black communities.

Soon after seeing LaTosha at an event in Houston County, Georgia, it was clear it takes a special calling to do this work. From the moment we met until late at night when we left, she was registering voters and talking to families, all while singing and dancing — a dream for an audio journalist. Every interaction she had with a voter felt like a conversation with a relative she hadn’t seen in a while. Socially distant yet still warm and familiar. Later, we sat down for an interview with LaTosha; we expected it to take about 45 minutes, but we ended up talking for close to two hours. This was the first time during an interview where a question I asked was answered in song.

Robert and LaTosha speaking with a voter in Georgia.Audra Burch

Late Tuesday night and into Wednesday, the country watched as Black voters once again turned out in record numbers for Georgia’s Senate runoff elections. This was a victory for Stacey and LaTosha that was years in the making — the culmination of their work getting small wins, bouncing back from big losses, regrouping and reorganizing to strengthen their efforts. It wasn’t about winning back the voters they had lost, but finding the ones who had never participated.

LaTosha and Stacey’s work is a reminder that the story of Georgia in 2021 couldn’t be told through glamorous high-dollar fund-raisers or mixers at social clubs. The story of Georgia’s remarkable flip was heard at a cookout in a parking lot, in the basement of a church building and at phone banks in rented strip mall offices. This is where we found the bulk of the work being done to engage and inspire voters. You hear the sounds of that work in our Monday episode: our conversations, but also sounds of mobilization, and of history.

Talk to Robert on Twitter: @RobertJimison

Some (more) good news

Simon Gronowski at his home in Belgium.Ksenia Kuleshova for The New York Times

Produced by Sydney Harper

For the past few years on The Daily, we have created a “Year in Sound,” an annual sonic recap. In 2020, we decided to do something slightly different: commemorate the year not in global news events, but with your good news. So we asked you, both in this newsletter and on the show, to send in voice memos of good things that happened to you. Hundreds poured in.

We were so grateful to you for all of your contributions, and we were sad there were many we couldn’t fit into the show. So we wanted to share one more bit of good news from our Brussels correspondent Matina Stevis-Gridneff. This is the story of her neighbor, Simon Gronowski — a story of dramatic escape, crisis and loss, but also of generosity, music and beauty. It’s a story with much resonance still as we enter 2021.

You can listen to Simon’s story — and his piano playing — at the top of this article.

Talk to Matina on Twitter: @MatinaStevis

This newsletter was edited by Lauren Jackson and Desiree Ibekwe. Special thanks to Laura Kim, Wendy Dorr, Dave Shaw and Chris Wood.

That’s it for The Daily newsletter. See you next week.

Have thoughts about the show? Tell us what you think at thedaily@nytimes.com.

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