2021年2月20日 星期六

Is the Group Chat Sacred?

Heidi Cruz learned the hard way that text chains can be leaked.
A roundup of new guidance and stories from NYT Parenting.
Golden Cosmos

My moms message group has long been a solace to me, especially in this pandemic year. It is a place to vent and plan and strategize, and I have definitely said many things I would not want to be blasted out into public.

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I thought of my own potentially embarrassing messages on Thursday night. That's when I saw the anonymously leaked texts from a chat group, which included Heidi Cruz, the wife of Senator Ted Cruz. Through this leak, we learned additional details about the Cruz family's ill-advised trip to Cancún.

The Cruzes were photographed hopping on a plane to Mexico on Wednesday, while many of the Senator's constituents in Texas lacked heat, water and power. Mrs. Cruz had invited her neighbors to come along with her to flee the "FREEZING" weather, and discussed the rates at the Ritz-Carlton in Cancún. It has been a public relations disaster for Senator Cruz.

Whatever your stance is on Cruz's politics, the chats entered the internet discourse in a big way, and struck fear in the hearts of those of us who like to be messy in our texts. "Are we all up in our group chats now, looking around, wondering who the 'most likely to snitch' might be?" wondered Allison P. Davis, a writer at New York Magazine.

As the politics reporter Ashley Parker put it in The Washington Post, "Group text chains, after all, are among the most intimate and sacred forms of communications, and if you can't trust your 'friends' not to leak them, then who can you trust?"

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I decided to ask two experts about their thoughts on this very modern debacle. Was leaking the chats ethical? Do you have a reasonable assumption of privacy when you're texting the moms on your block, or should you assume that the world is going to know when you step in it?

Kwame Anthony Appiah, the in-house ethicist at The New York Times Magazine and a professor of philosophy and law at New York University, said that the situation "strikes me as a pretty substantial breach of norms about confidentiality." Even though Ted Cruz is a public figure, he didn't do anything terrible enough to warrant a breach of such norms, Mr. Appiah said. We already knew that Senator Cruz had taken the trip to Cancún a day before the leak of the texts, and that his poodle, Snowflake, had been left at home in the cold.

The public gain from the additional information — which allowed people to know that Mr. Cruz was not being honest when he implied his trip was only meant to last a day — did not make it worth breaking the secrecy of the group, Mr. Appiah said. "It is unwise to wander off to a luxury hotel," during a crisis in your state when you're an elected official, "but it's not like killing somebody," he said.

Catherine Price, the founder of Screen/Life Balance and the author of "How to Break Up with Your Phone," had a different take. "It's unquestionably not a nice thing to do, and in most circumstances would be morally wrong," she said. But Ms. Price thought that because she is the wife of a public figure, Heidi Cruz should not have assumed that any of her written communication would remain private. "Unless it's encrypted, you can't assume anything is private," she said.

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Still, "How nice would it be to feel fully safe in our correspondence with people?" mused Ms. Price. A rule of thumb for feeling safe comes from the Times's own Astead Herndon, who Tweeted, "The key to every group chat is mutually assured destruction. If you're the only one dropping tea, you're at risk. If one person is a little too silent, they gotta go." I recommend you spend your time this weekend reviewing your chats, culling the parents who are keeping it close to the vest.

Thanks for reading!

— Jessica Grose, columnist, NYT Parenting

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Tiny Victories

Parenting can be a grind. Let's celebrate the tiny victories.

My 4-year-old likes to arrange each of his stuffed animals with a book, and then we take turns "reading" their stories. Yesterday he asked if I'd like to quietly sit and read my own book, while he read to them on his own! — Erin Wedepohl, Austin, Texas

If you want a chance to get your Tiny Victory published, find us on Instagram @NYTparenting and use the hashtag #tinyvictories; email us; or enter your Tiny Victory at the bottom of this page. Include your full name and location. Tiny Victories may be edited for clarity and style. Your name, location and comments may be published, but your contact information will not. By submitting to us, you agree that you have read, understand and accept the Reader Submission Terms in relation to all of the content and other information you send to us.

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What was Rush Limbaugh’s legacy?

How he shaped the Republican Party into what it is today.
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By Jamelle Bouie

Opinion Columnist

Before I get going, I want to apologize for my unexplained absence last weekend. I had jury duty on a medical malpractice case that lasted five days.

Rush Limbaugh died this week. My take on the totality of his life was that he used his talents to make the world a demonstrably worse place. I'm not a scholar of conservative media, however, so I thought it would be worthwhile to highlight the retrospectives of those who have studied Limbaugh, his peers and their influence on American politics. Writing for CNN, the historian Nicole Hemmer notes how Limbaugh filled a leadership vacuum in the Republican Party and laid down a template for future politicians:

At the end of the Reagan presidency, the G.O.P. had no popular leader. George H.W. Bush, though elected by wide margins and immensely popular during the first Gulf War, soon slumped in the polls. By 1992, he had been rejected by conservatives and was facing a right-wing challenge from Pat Buchanan in the presidential primaries. Casting about the political landscape, Bush landed on Rush Limbaugh as a possible savior: The popular broadcaster had been promoting Buchanan on his show; if he instead threw his weight behind Bush, perhaps his millions of listeners would come along, too.

It was not to be. Limbaugh, after being invited to stay over at the White House, did lavish Bush with praise, but Bush ultimately lost the presidency to Bill Clinton. Yet in singling Limbaugh out as a powerful figure in control of millions of votes, Bush further empowered him. Republican politicians were soon knocking down his door trying to win a few minutes of airtime or an endorsement that would shore up their conservative bona fides. When Republicans took the House of Representatives in 1994's landslide election, they gave Limbaugh the credit.

And in an interview with Greg Sargent of The Washington Post, the historian Rick Perlstein connects Limbaugh to the southernization of conservative politics.

When you talk about nationalized politics, we're really talking about nationalizing the southern politics of the Civil Rights era, where this kind of conspiracy theorizing, this kind of violence, was common. People like Limbaugh and Gingrich helped institutionalize it in, say, Wisconsin, as opposed to just the south.

There's an argument that we shouldn't connect Limbaugh to conservatism as an ideology, that he represents a perversion or betrayal of its ideas. But I think that's the wrong approach. If conservatism is anything, it is what conservatives do. And what conservatives have done for the past 30 years — from the highbrow ideology of National Review to the performative cruelty of "Make America Great Again" — is emulate Limbaugh and treat him as a figure of respect and admiration.

Rush Limbaugh is modern conservatism, and modern conservatism is Rush Limbaugh.

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What I Wrote

My Tuesday column was on the almost total Trumpification of the Republican Party, and what that might mean for the future:

That this backlash was completely expected, even banal, should tell you everything you need to know about the so-called civil war in the Republican Party. It doesn't exist. Outside of a rump faction of (occasional) dissidents, there is no truly meaningful anti-Trump opposition within the party. The civil war, such as it was, ended four-and-a-half years ago when Trump accepted the Republican nomination for president.

Building off this, my Friday column was about how the Trumpified Republican Party has abandoned any interest in governing:

Amid awful suffering and deteriorating conditions, Texas Republicans decided to fight a culture war. In doing so, they are emblematic of the national party, which has abandoned even the pretense of governance in favor of the celebration of endless grievance.

Now Reading

Chris Hayes on the Republican Party's turn against democracy in The Atlantic.

Gabriel Winant on backlash politics in Dissent magazine.

Seth Abramovitch on the actress Shelley Duvall in The Hollywood Reporter.

Kelsey McKinney on the unfolding disaster in Texas in Defector.

Steven Klein on the rise of the conservative welfare state in Foreign Policy.

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Feedback
If you're enjoying what you're reading, please consider recommending it to your friends. They can sign up here. If you want to share your thoughts on an item in this week's newsletter or on the newsletter in general, please email me at jamelle-newsletter@nytimes.com.

Photo of the Week

I have no memory of taking this photo, although the metadata says it was taken at some point in 2017. It shows the magnificent Waddell Memorial Presbyterian Church in Rapidan, Va., built in 1874 to serve the community in and around Culpeper County.

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Now Eating: Greens and Beans With Red Chile and Fresh Cheese

We're big fans of simple beans-and-greens preparations in the Bouie household, and this is a very simple preparation. But it does require a little work, because it calls for using whole dried chiles. The recipe is from Rick Bayless, and while he uses kale, I prefer collard greens, sliced thin and parboiled. Whatever green you use, however, I think this is a pretty good meal, perfect for a light lunch or dinner. Fresh tortillas — either homemade or from a restaurant — bring it all together.

Ingredients

  • 3 tablespoons vegetable oil or leaf lard
  • 8 medium-large (about 2 ounces) dried guajillo chiles, stemmed and seeded
  • 3 garlic cloves, peeled and roughly chopped
  • 1 teaspoon dried Mexican oregano
  • ½ teaspoon ground black pepper
  • salt
  • sugar
  • 1 medium bunch Tuscan kale, stems removed, cut crosswise in ½-inch strips
  • 1 15-ounce can black beans, drained and rinsed
  • crumbled Mexican queso fresco or other fresh cheese such as feta
  • corn or flour tortillas

Directions

Heat the oil in a large saucepan over medium. One or 2 at a time, fry the chiles until they are aromatic and change color (they'll lighten a little on the inside and brown on the outside), 10 seconds or so on each side. Remove to a bowl, cover with hot tap water, weight with a plate to keep them submerged and rehydrate for about 20 minutes. Set the pan aside.

Scoop the chiles into a blender jar, along with ⅔ cup of the soaking water.

Add the garlic, oregano and pepper and blend to a smooth purée. (If the mixture won't move through the blender blades, add a little more of the soaking liquid to loosen it up.)

Return the oily pan to medium-high heat. When hot, set a medium-mesh strainer over the pan and press the chile mixture through. Discard the skins and seeds left in the strainer. Cook, stirring nearly constantly, until the consistency of tomato paste, about 4 minutes.

Pour in ¾ cup water (or stock), reduce the heat to medium-low and simmer, stirring regularly, until the sauce takes on a medium consistency, about 5 minutes. Taste and season highly with salt, usually about 1 teaspoon. Adding about ½ teaspoon sugar will bring out the natural fruitiness of the chile and balance the heat a little.

Add the kale and beans to the sauce all at once, tossing to coat with the guajillo sauce. Cook, stirring often, until the kale wilts, about 5 minutes. Transfer the mixture to a warm serving bowl. Sprinkle with fresh cheese and serve with tortillas for making tacos.

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