2021年6月11日 星期五

The Daily: Our Country Is Being Hacked

And what you can do about it. Plus, telling the story of two women whose work has shaped the world.

Hi everyone, Happy Friday. We had a busy week exploring some big questions: Will Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel fall? Who is hacking the U.S. economy? And what could possibly have brought Congress together in a rare act of bipartisanship (even if only for a moment)?

Our team also hosted a special live event that went behind the scenes of the making of "Odessa." If you missed it, you can catch the conversation with Michael Barbaro here, as well as a performance from the Odessa High School marching band.

Today in the newsletter, we follow up on our episode from Tuesday, asking our guest to explain what we can do to keep ourselves, our families, companies and even our cities safe from ransomware attacks. (Sadly, yes, it really is up to us.) Then, we introduce you to the work of two women who have reshaped our world, but who you might not have known about before this week.

Why your cyberhygiene matters — a lot

By Nicole Perlroth

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Waiting for fuel at a gas station in Dunwoody, Ga., last month, after a cyberattack shut operations at Colonial Pipeline, the main supply link for the East Coast.Elijah Nouvelage/Bloomberg

Ransomware attacks have suddenly become our constant background noise. Last month, we rushed to cover the ransomware attack on Colonial Pipeline, a conduit for nearly half the jet fuel, gas and diesel supplied to the East Coast. And with the price of gas surging, images of cars lined up for blocks, how could we not? Then they came for our meat, hijacking JBS, a Brazilian company that is one of the world's largest meat suppliers. This, on top of Covid-induced labor shortages at meat plants, hiked the price of carne asada on the menu.

But we can't cover them all. Ransomware groups have struck our wineries, our professional sports teams, our ferry services and our hospitals — most recently the hospital that services The Villages, the largest retirement community in the United States. They've hit an Apple supplier, the Metropolitan Police Department in Washington and, perhaps most disturbingly, the National Nuclear Security Administration, the federal agency responsible for safeguarding nuclear science and designs. These ransomware attacks are striking every eight minutes. The question is no longer, Who has been hit with ransomware? It's, Who hasn't?

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Many have asked why the government can't do more to block these attacks. But the answer is that the government does not own these systems and has very little say over how they secure or do not secure themselves. The vast majority of America's food and water supplies, the power grid, dams, even nuclear plants, are still owned by the private sector. And business lobbyists have rejected every serious effort to regulate cybersecurity for the private sector. The market, not the government, decides how secure Americans are, when it comes to deflecting cyberattacks. So we've essentially left every business and individual to fend for themselves.

Over and over and over again we see that these ransomware groups break in through simple means: a stolen password or phishing attacks, in which they just convince an employee to click on a malicious link or enter a password into an attackers' site. And unfortunately, businesses are still calculating that it's cheaper for them to pay a multimillion-dollar ransom than it is to take inventory of their networks, unplug outdated software (or patch it), switch up employee passwords from time to time, require multifactor authentication, and conduct regular phishing simulations until employees learn to stop clicking.

The way out of our cyber-predicament is cyberhygiene — the accumulation of day in, day out investments and inconveniences of hardening ourselves to attacks. If you forget to brush your teeth and floss, you'll get cavities. If you're really negligent, you'll need a root canal.

Online, it's much the same. Good cyberhygiene requires using a password manager, or just not using the same, weak password across multiple sites. It's not clicking on phishing emails. It's turning on two-factor authentication. It's running those pesky software updates that take you away from your device for 10 or 15 minutes. It's backing up your data. It's watching your back, and not giving any old website the ability to track your location, access your contacts or your webcam, without good reason. It's freezing your credit when you learn your personal data has been hacked, yet again, in a breach of a retailer. It's not emailing your Social Security number or nude selfies to anyone who asks. It's not blasting out every transaction you make on Venmo. Or posting screenshots of your Gmail password on Twitter (Hello Congressman Mo Brooks!) It's using encrypted messaging apps like Signal for your most sensitive communications.

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If you do all of those things, you might still get hacked. But you'll be able to knock out most of the ransomware threats and cyber threats we face. If you don't, you're most likely in for the digital equivalent of a root canal, without the anesthetic.

Telling the story of two women whose work has affected you

This week on The Daily, we introduced you to the work of one scientist whose quiet, pioneering work on mRNA has changed the course of the coronavirus pandemic.

"In this moment, when millions of people have begun to enjoy the freedoms that come with being vaccinated against Covid-19, we really wanted to hear from one of the people who helped get us to this turning point in the pandemic," Anita Badejo, a senior editor, said. "We were surprised by Dr. Katalin Kariko's story, and how long it had been overlooked."

So if you have gotten a Pfizer or Moderna vaccine, read on to hear more about the woman whose work has helped shield you from the coronavirus from the reporter who brought us her story. Then, let us introduce you to another woman whose work has reshaped our world — but who was also overlooked at the time.

Dr. Katalin Kariko: The unlikely pioneer of mRNA vaccines

Dr. Katalin Kariko's work eventually led to development of the Moderna and Pfizer-BioNTech vaccines.Csilla Cseke/EPA, via Shutterstock

I heard about Dr. Kariko last winter when the Science editor Celia Dugger said there might be a story in her work. I'd heard about other key players all along, but maybe because she was working for BioNTech and so was not part of academia any more, I just didn't know about her.

I emailed Dr. Kariko and she got back to me almost instantaneously. I interviewed her for the first time soon afterward and was immediately drawn into her story. She was a scientist's scientist. Someone who does the work because she loves it and who is not motivated by fame or fortune.

While she faced setbacks, including being fired from her job, she viewed them not as signals that she was inadequate but instead as incentives to work harder. She went in search of mentors who would take her into their labs even though she had no funding and no published papers. When I spoke to those mentors, they told me they were dazzled by her brilliance and her dogged pursuit of impeccable science. I have written about science Ph.D.s who gave up and pursued other careers because they seemed to be facing a future like Dr. Kariko's. It says something about her that she refused to slink away when she was rejected. — Gina Kolata, a science reporter at The Times

Linda Amster: A force behind the Pentagon Papers

Linda Amster, center, with, from left, E.W. Kenworthy, Fox Butterfield and Hedrick Smith — three of the reporters who worked on the Pentagon Papers in 1971.Renato Perez/The New York Times

Fifty years ago this Sunday, The New York Times printed the first of a series of articles on the Pentagon Papers — a top secret report about the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. The publication kicked off a fight over the freedom of the press that went all the way to the Supreme Court.

To mark the 50th anniversary of the Pentagon Papers, a team of Times reporters put together an oral history of the project, and shared those interviews with the audio team. One voice stood out — Linda Amster, the project's only researcher.

Linda's work was to verify details in those documents. It was a huge task. But when the papers went to press, her name was omitted from the credits.

We talked to Linda about the thrill and secrecy of the mission — and how she feels about getting her due after the fact. Many view the Pentagon Papers as the biggest scoop of the century. You can hear about it firsthand now.

On The Daily this week

Monday: How did a political coalition come to threaten the position of Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving leader?

Tuesday: Recent cyberattacks have ground major U.S. industries to a halt. Who are the perpetrators and how can they be stopped?

Wednesday: This week, the U.S. Senate put partisanship aside to pass a huge spending bill. The reason for this truce: China.

That's it for The Daily newsletter. See you next week.

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Wonking Out: Economic nationalism, Biden style

China is the new Japan, chips are the new chips.
Author Headshot

By Paul Krugman

Opinion Columnist

If you're under 50, you probably don't remember when Japan was going to take over the world. But in the late 1980s and early 1990s, many people were obsessed with Japan's economic success and feared American decline. The supposedly nonfiction sections of airport bookstores were filled with volumes featuring samurai warriors on their covers, promising to teach you the secrets of Japanese management. Michael Crichton had a best-selling novel, "Rising Sun," about the looming threat of Japanese domination, before he moved on to dinosaurs.

The policy side of Japanophilia/Japanophobia took the form of widespread calls for a national industrial policy: Government spending and maybe protectionism to foster industries of the future, notably semiconductor production.

Then Japan largely disappeared from America's conversation — cited, if at all, as a cautionary tale of economic stagnation and lost decades. And we entered an era of self-satisfied arrogance, buoyed by the dominance of U.S.-based technology companies.

Now the truth is that Japan's failures have, in their own way, been overhyped as much as the country's previous successes. The island nation remains wealthy and technologically sophisticated; its slow economic growth mainly reflects low fertility and immigration, which have led to a shrinking working-age population. Adjusting for demography, the economies of Japan and the United States have grown at about the same rate over the past 30 years:

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Japan has done better than you think.FRED

In any case, however, we seem to be entering a new era of worries about the role of the United States in the world economy, this time driven by fears of China. And we're hearing new calls for industrial policy. I have to admit that I'm not entirely persuaded by these calls. But the rationales for government action are a lot smarter this time around than they were in the 1980s — and, of course, immensely smarter than the economic nationalism of the Trump era, which they superficially resemble.

Which brings me to the 250-page report on supply chains that the Biden-Harris administration released a few days ago. This was one of those reports that may turn out to be important, even though few people will read it. Why? Because it offers a sort of intellectual template for policymaking; when legislation and rules are being drafted, that report and its analysis will be lurking in the background, helping to shape details of spending and regulations.

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Now, the world economy has changed a lot since the days when American executives were trying to reinvent themselves as samurai. Countries used to make things like cars and airplanes; nowadays they make parts of things, which are combined with other parts of things that are made in other countries and eventually assembled into something consumers want. The classic — and at this point somewhat tired — example is the iPhone, assembled in China from bits and pieces from all over. Last year's World Development Report from the World Bank, obviously written prepandemic, was devoted to global value chains and had a nice alternative example: bicycles.

Spinning globalization.World Bank

I'm a bit surprised, by the way, to learn that Japan and Singapore have so much of the market for pedals and cranks. I thought America really led the world in cranks (charlatans, too).

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Anyway, the World Bank offers a measure of the global value chaininess of world trade — the share of exports that cross at least two borders on the way to their final buyers:

Global value chaininess on the rise.World Bank

This measure shows that the big growth of globe-spanning supply chains isn't new; in fact, it took place mostly between 1988 and 2008. But the dangers associated with fragmented production have been highlighted by recent events.

The Biden-Harris report focuses on four sectors: semiconductor chips, batteries, pharmaceuticals and the rare earths that play a key role in much technology. It's not hard to see why.

The modern economy uses chips with practically everything — and the production of chips is very globalized. So we have a situation in which U.S. auto production is being crimped, thanks to drought in Taiwan and a factory fire in Japan disrupting the supply of these tiny but essential components. Moreover, much of the world's supply of rare earths comes from China, whose regime isn't noted for being shy about throwing its weight around.

And vaccine nationalism — countries limiting the export of vaccines and key components for making them — has become a real problem in the age of Covid.

As you might guess, then, a lot of the Biden-Harris report focuses on national security concerns. National security has always been recognized as a legitimate reason to deviate from free trade. It's even enshrined in international agreements. Donald Trump gave the national security argument a bad name by abusing it. (Seriously, is America threatened by Canadian aluminum?) But you don't have to be a Trumpist to worry about our dependence on Chinese rare earths.

That said, the supply-chain report goes well beyond the national security argument, making the case that we need to retain domestic manufacturing in a wide range of sectors to maintain our technological competence. That's not a foolish argument, but it's very open-ended. Where does it stop?

One thing is clear: If you thought the revival of economic nationalism was purely a Trumpist aberration, you're wrong. The Biden administration isn't going to go in for dumb stuff like Trump's obsession with bilateral trade imbalances, but it isn't going back to the uncritical embrace of globalization that has characterized much U.S. policy for decades. Will this lead to a new era of trade wars? Probably not — but don't expect a lot of big trade deals in the years ahead.

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